Bernard Weiner's Blogs -- The Archives
July 29, 2004
THE BARELY-HIDDEN RIFT AT THE DNC
How can one NOT talk about the Democratic National Convention? It's the best
show in town.
Sure, its outcome is known in advance, it's a whole lot of positioning and
spinning, it's a creaky ritual dance. But there also is high drama offstage
and on.
Our text today is the rift behind the Dems united front for Kerry. The
delegates, 95% of whom are adamantly opposed to the Iraq War, are trying to
follow the party line of not bashing Bush too openly on that disastrous
conflict -- even Dennis Kucinich and Howard Dean bent to that line -- and
instead are mostly talking about hope and health insurance, positive
programs and the like. (There were a few heart-warming exceptions that laid
some good wood on Bush over Iraq:
President Jimmy Carter,
Rev. Al Sharpton,
Teddy Kennedy, and, to a certain extent, the Big Dawg,
Bill Clinton's address).
The Dem delegates, and many of us on the outside looking in, are so
desperate to get rid of the Bush crowd, that we're willing to give Kerry a
free pass to do and say what he feels he has to do or say in order to win
the election. We sense in our hearts that the true policies of Kerry with
regard to Iraq, Israel-Palestine, and the use of America's sole-superpower
status in geopolitics -- which we trust are somewhat different than what he
is saying now -- will come to the fore after the November victory.
But there is a great deal of nervousness about Kerry's security-first
approach, about his unwillingness to take on Bush frontally over Iraq, on
9/11 pre-knowledge, on the torture scandal, and so on.
MAKING PROGRESSIVES ANXIOUS
Indeed, the nerve-wracking part of the Kerry Campaign's foreign policy -- at
least as described Tuesday night by keynoter
Barack Obama, and Wednesday night by
John Edwards and
General Shalikashvili -- was the apparent decision to attack Bush from
the right on Iraq rather than from the left: more stay-the-course language,
more military might and the willingness to use it (with our old allies) in
Iraq and elsewhere, more promise of security for Israel but not even a bone
thrown to the Palestinians in return, etc.
Now, maybe all that is just a daring campaign ploy, to throw Rove and the
rest of the Bushies into a tizzy, to out-hawk the hawks, but it makes me
nervous no end because part of me wonders whether Kerry really believes that
stuff. If so, and he were to win, the U.S. would be in for one long slide
downward in world affairs, and we'd better be prepared for more terrorism
emanating from the extreme Islamists in the Middle East and beyond.
Now, as I say, many of us supporting Kerry are hoping these extreme
positions, some of which out-Bush Bush, are derived of campaign strategy,
and will change drastically once the Dems come into power. (We may know more
after Kerry's acceptance speech on Thursday.) If all this talk is a campaign
ploy, let us hope that it works and that Kerry will not alienate the
anti-war base that is the heart of the Democratic Party. But, at heart, it's
a terribly risky and potentially self-destructive strategy -- and may be
even more insidious, if truly believed.
We'll work and vote for Kerry, to be sure -- the alternative, in foreign and
domestic policies, is too horrendous to do anything but work for Bush's
defeat -- but we progressives know we may have to redouble our efforts for
change in America's approach to the world after Election Day, regardless of
who wins.
OTHERS ARE FRIGHTENED
As I say, I'm not the only one made nervous by the apparent Kerry
foreign-policy direction. Here's Tikkun's Michael Lerner, for example,
emailing from Boston:
The rhetorical thrust of the convention has been overwhelmingly
militaristic, insisting that Kerry will be strong by sending MORE troops,
giving better support to the army and to those returning from service, but
failing to give any serious respect to the majority of Democrats who have
served their country by NOT FIGHTING, by rejecting and demonstrating
against the war. The war-makers in both parties should rejoice, but the
peace forces are being isolated. All in the name of "winning."
..."Winning is everything--we've got to beat Bush." Yet to beat Bush there
needs to be a coherent vision that can speak to people in a way that makes
them believe that something can really be different.
This is what worries many of the delegates when you talk to them away from
the pandemonium of the convention hall. They want a winner, and for that
reason are willing to go with the Kerry strategy...Their great fear,
expressed constantly in small conversations, is that this big gamble may
not excite many of the increasing numbers of Americans who don't bother to
vote at all. Looking responsible and balanced to the editorial writers and
pundits may get the Democrats praise, but it may not produce the necessary
votes to replace the Bushites who are unlikely to be similarly polite or
restrained once the campaign heats up in the Fall--and who are not afraid
to stand for what they stand for.
...The irony is that the democratic process this past Winter and Spring
demonstrated that there are millions of Americans who resonate to this
broader vision. They are yearning for something very different--a turn
toward peace, social justice, and a whole new discourse of caring. Many of
these Americans realize that the rhetoric of American superiority,
exceptionalism, and our-needs-above-the-needs-of-everyone-else on the
planet--a rhetoric which seems to pop up even in the talks of those
thought to be most liberal or progressive in the Democratic party--is
precisely what undermines our capacity as a people to envision a world of
mutual interdependency. The spiritual vision of The Unity of All Being is
side-lined to tin-horn patriotism that ignores all that we've learned in
the past forty years.
Yet however powerful that yearning for a different world may be, it has at
least temporarily been silenced by the fear of Bush. The ultimate irony
may be that it is precisely allowing that vision of a different world--not
just the refining of the old liberal politics that have been so
uninspiring for the past thirty years--that might have been the most
effective way to actually beat Bush. It may yet turn out that this
Democratic Convention and the "Bush lite" strategy behind the Kerry
campaign may not really be so "realistic" after all.
For more on these Bush/Iraq issues, see also David Corn's "To Bash, or
Not Bash Bush? in
The Nation, and the Agence-France Press story, "Kerry,
Democrats Still Struggling With Iraq."
Blogger Digby first points
us to a rival, mainstream journalist blogging, the Washington Post's Harold
Meyerson, at
the American Prospect website for some news and analysis nuggets not
seen elsewhere.
Then he discusses an AFL-CIO caucus plan:
"...on the afternoon and evening of George W. Bush’s speech to the
Republican convention -- Thursday, September 2 -- union activists will
knock on the doors of one million union households in the 16 battleground
states. I like it.
Also he mentions the likelihood of Bush calling Congress back into
session right after the Dem convention, to deal with the 9/11 intelligence
reforms:
(Of course, this would also have the effect of shifting attention away
from the Kerry-Edwards ticket that will be nominated on Thursday.) The
Democrats have no intention of having this issue taken away from them,
however. [Congresswoman Jane] Harman said that tomorrow morning at 8:00
A.M., House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi will convene a Democratic House
Caucus meeting here in Boston, which Harman will address, to make sure the
Democrats have the fullest possible proposal on the table before Bush
acts.
I'm sure you are all aware that the day after the convention is like the
afterglow day. The campaign found its big release the night before and
smoked its metaphorical cigarette and everybody's in love. For Bush to
burst through the bedroom door is pretty darned uncivil but predictable.
The Dems are all together and they should be able to formulate a counter
strategy.
This is interesting stuff.
Then Digby focuses on
a
Salon article describing a veterans' caucus meeting where Wesley Clark,
Max Cleland and James Carville roused the assembled vets.
In a building riff that brought veterans to their feet, Clark said:
"That flag is our flag. We served under that flag. We got up and stood
reveille formation, we stood taps, we fought under that flag. We've seen
men die for that flag, and we've seen men buried under that flag. No Dick
Cheney or John Ashcroft or Tom DeLay is going to take that flag away from
us."
Clark's fiery performance knocked the GOP-style stuffing out of the
veterans' event, turning it into a Bush-bashing barnburner. By the time
Carville reclaimed the stage he was in full sputtering ragin' Cajun mode.
"I know the Kerry people back there are having a heart attack," Carville
said. "They're saying, 'There goes Carville, the mad dog, the pit bull.'"
Uh huh.
It seems to me that the Kerry campaign's public face of cheery optimism
barely holding back the furious grassroots is a pretty good strategy.
Everybody keeps parroting the party line like "positive" and "upbeat" when
they're talking to the celebcorps while even speakers like Jimmy Carter
(?) allude to Bush's national guard service and lying. You end up
wondering what they'd be saying if Kerry hadn't "given the word" to be
disciplined. He shows leadership and the Democrats look like they're ready
for a fight. The Republicans are frustrated because they want the
Democrats to make the mistake they made in 1992 and go over the top.
It's as if the Party has Jack Nicholson's smile.
Finally, Juan Cole has a super
instant-analysis blog deconstructing Bill Clinton's talk, "Clinton's Low-Key
Dissing of Bush." Here are some key paragraphs:
If Bush's world is Manichaean, characterized by a division of human beings
into Good and Evil, the Democrats' world is organic, capable of being molded
into a smoothly functioning whole. The Manichaean world-view implies
warfare, the vision of organic unity allows for peace.
Clinton contrasted the cooperative and idealistic vision of the Democrats
with what he depicted as a selfish and cynical opportunism among
Republicans:
"We Democrats want to build a world and an America of shared
responsibilities and shared benefits. We want a world with more global
cooperation where we act alone only when we absolutely have to. We think
the role of government should be to give people the tools to create the
conditions to make the most of their own lives. And we think everybody
should have that chance.
On the other hand, the Republicans in Washington believe that America
should be run by the right people — their people — in a world in which
America acts unilaterally when we can and cooperates when we have to . . ."
Clinton points to a moment of betrayal, when Bush failed to live up to
the expectations of national unity and altruism raised by September 11:
"The president had an amazing opportunity to bring the country together
under his slogan of compassionate conservatism and to unite the world in
the struggle against terror. Instead, he and his congressional allies made
a very different choice. They chose to use that moment of unity to try to
push the country too far to the right and to walk away from our allies,
not only in attacking Iraq before the weapons inspectors had finished
their work, but in withdrawing American support for the climate change
treaty and for the international court on war criminals and for the
anti-ballistic missile treaty and from the nuclear test ban treaty. Now,
now at a time when we're trying to get other people to give up nuclear and
biological and chemical weapons, they are trying to develop two new
nuclear weapons which they say we might use first."
The attack on Bush is not that he went to war against Iraq. It is that he
did so virtually unilaterally, "walking away from our allies." This is a
genteel way of saying that the Bush administration humiliated and demeaned
France, Germany and later Spain, for not going along with the war or for
later withdrawing from it in the case of Spain. Note that Clinton or his
speech writer keep the focus on Bush, not foregrounding the allies (France
is not popular). The crime is to "walk away" from old friends. Although
complaints about this abandonment of old Europe would have had no resonance
a year ago, by now it is obvious that it would be awfully nice to have a
division each from France and Germany in Iraq, and that the Bush
administration's gratuitous insults made it highly unlikely that such help
will be forthcoming.
Likewise, the timing of the war rather than the war itself is criticized.
The Bush administration orchestrated a UN resolution that put the weapons
inspectors back in Iraq, but then attacked "Iraq before the weapons
inspectors had finished their work." This impatient unilateralism also led,
Clinton said, to the repudiation of Kyoto and other important international
treaties. Bush is depicted as rash, hotheaded, impatient, and a dangerous
loner.
Now Clinton ties the foreign misadventure to the domestic economy: "At home,
the president and the Republican Congress have made equally fateful choices,
which they also deeply believe in. For the first time when America was in a
war footing in our whole history, they gave two huge tax cuts, nearly half
of which went to the top 1 percent of us."
Clinton is saying that you were cheated out of your fair share of the tax
break, a tax break that probably shouldn't have been given in the first
place because of the extra demands of the war that shouldn't have been
fought. The cumulative effect is to raise fears that a series of grave
policy errors has been committed and that, worse, it has deleteriously
affected you in the pocket book. It is one thing to have the US government
mucking things up overseas. It is another for it to cheat you out of your
fair share of a tax break.
I suspect that the Kerry-Edwards campaign will pick up on Clinton's themes.
Not the war but the rush to war and unilateralism will be critiqued. Not the
troops but the Bush administration officials will be faulted. The criticism
will be subtle rather than blunt, and the theme will be hope rather than
fear.
July 26, 2004
BushCheney: Alzheimer's/Dementia?
I was holding my mom's hand the other day in her care-facility ward (she's
93), when it hit me: In ways very similar to my mother's condition, America
is in such bad political and social shape because it, too, had contracted
Alzheimer's Disease.
Consider my mom's history: She has been consumed by fright in her later
years, a paranoia usually manifested in how enemies were going to kill her
or steal from her. She would explode in anger, or engage in non-sequitur
conversations, at odd moments. She retreated into a corrosive sort of
narcissism, which meant she was fairly isolated, since others didn't want
much to do with her, leaving her fairly friendless. Sometimes, she would
shout and strike out at others. Often, she would have vivid conversations in
her mind with strangers, or pick up newspaper headlines on the ceiling over
her bed.
She lost her short-term memory, repeating phrases and thoughts she had just
uttered moments before. She lost her middle-range memory, of things that
happened recently or not too long ago. Then she lost her long-term memory,
of events from years and years back. When she was still able to walk, she'd
occasionally wander into neighbors' apartments and use their toilets,
frightening the hell out of them when they'd open the bathroom door. And so
on.
And now the rough comparisons -- some referring to our culture as a whole,
many to actions and behaviors of the Bush Administration -- bold-faced where
appropriate:
* The neo-conservatives at the center of power in the Bush Administration --
Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, Perle, Khalidad, et al. -- have a supremely
negative view of the world, which, in shorthand, translates into a feeling
that the world is a place of constant dread and fright,
filled with those wishing to attack us and/or steal our goodies.
Therefore, do unto others before they do it unto you -- especially if
they're weak and can barely defend themselves.
* Other nations of the world have watched Bush&Co. lash out at its enemies,
real and imagined -- with thousands of innocent civilians dying in the
process -- and are wary of doing anything that could enrage the American
superpower into unleashing its anger.
* Bush constantly engages in non sequiturs
when talking, or in strange usages, or in made-up words.
* Under the neo-con theories dominating the Bush Administration, a dangerous
form of narcissism has resulted in
isolation of the U.S. from the rest of
the world. The U.S. engages in unilateral behaviors such as starting wars,
withdrawing from treaties, humiliating and insulting former allies, and then
has to face the truth that few foreign leaders or populations like America.
But Bush&Co. don't care: You're either with us or with the terrorists, so
there.
* Bush and Cheney constantly repeat statements,
even though they bear no resemblance to reality.
Bush once admitted that Saddam had no connection to 9/11, for example, but
then apparently couldn't remember that he'd said that and continued to
suggest the connection. All the investigating bodies have made clear that
Saddam had nothing to do with the terrorist attacks of 9/11, but Bush and
Cheney and others continue to conflate the two. Likewise, the official
investigating bodies have determined that Al-Qaida and Iraq had minimal
contacts (and certainly no operational links) in the years leading up to
9/11 and the current Iraq War, but the Bush folks continue to suggest
otherwise. Bad short-term memory loss.
* Middle-term and long-term memory losses
continue in evidence as well. Bill Clinton and Sandy Berger spent hours
warning the incoming Bush Administration about Osama bin Laden and likely
attacks by al-Qaida directed at the U.S. But once they assumed power -- and
even when counterterrorism chief Richard Clarke and CIA Director George
Tenet were telling them an attack was imminent -- they ignored the advice
and set up their own commission to "study" the threat of terrorism. The
chairman of that group, someone named Dick Cheney, apparently forgot all
about that commission's mandate, since it never met.
* The U.S. war in Vietnam in the -'60s and '70s provided numerous lessons
for every administration since. Every President remembered those lessons,
and made sure not to make the same mistakes again. But one Administration
did forget that history. Even with
Vietnam veteran Colin Powell as Secretary of State, George W. Bush's
war-machine forgot that humiliating episode and proceeded to make the same
mistakes.
It attacked a country about which it knew very little, used a much-too-small
attack force, outfitted them poorly and with confusing battle plans,
antagonized the local citizenry (many of whom then joined the guerrillas),
and had no exit strategy in place. And, as in Vietnam, it thought its
overwhelming firepower eventually would rule the day, so no need to consider
negotiations or withdrawing its forces -- until the situation got totally
out of hand and it had to agree to terms it could have accepted years before
(thus saving many thousands of American lives and hundreds of thousands of
Vietnamese lives) and withdrew its forces and supporters in a humiliating,
chaotic retreat.
* Bush admits that he
hears voices from the beyond, urging
him to smite the evildoers. "God told me to strike at al Qaida and I struck
them, and then he instructed me to strike at Saddam, which I did, and now I
am determined to solve the problem in the Middle East," he
told leaders in the Middle East; More recently, he
told an Amish
group that he believes "God speaks through me."
* As with my mom, sometimes the Bush Administration
wanders
into someone's house or back yard and leaves a terrible, stinky mess there.
In Afghanistan and Iraq, for example. Others are expected to come along
after them, and pick up the excrement. These often are former allies, who
resent the shoveling task.
So you see, even though the parallels are not exact, when a country's
leaders contract Alzheimer's and forgets their nation's true and best values
-- and its history -- a lot of damage can be done, endangering so many
people.
The people responsible for ruining the reputation of the United States
really need help. They bumble around, creating havoc wherever they go; they
need to be in a care-facility, with numerous assisted-living, and
assisted-thinking, aides. On November 2, we will be their care assistants,
telling them that they can no longer be permitted to drive the state, that
they will have to turn over their keys of power to others.
Give to the Alzheimer's Foundation, help us find a cure. But until that
time, we must ensure that more responsible leaders take over from those too
debilitated to carry on in a stable, helpful fashion. Our country and its
glorious institutions and history are too important to leave in the hands of
individuals whose erratic behavior threatens to take us all down with them.
THE 9/11 PANEL'S
REPORT
The detailed facts are there in the 9/11 Commission's report -- ones
devastating to the lies and distortions of the Bush Administration -- but
the fix was in and so no blame is assigned to anybody by name. (For a host
of super articles on this topic, go to our new
"9/11 Commission
Report" page)
Since he was not singled out for most of the 9/11 blame, Bush feels he is
insulated on the campaign trail from effective criticism. And he'll be right
if Kerry & Edwards play nice little campaigners and don't go for the exposed
jugulars of Bush & Cheney & Rumsfeld & Ashcroft.
The Democrats, bless their naive little hearts, permitted themselves to get
hustled big time by agreeing that the final part of the 9/11 Commission's
work -- the most important part of its job, reporting on how Bush&Co.
misused the corrupted and phony intelligence it did receive -- will be
issued only AFTER the election!
Talk about being snookered! It's almost like the Democrats want to lose the
election, still playing by the rules of legislative civility when the GOP
extremists long ago stomped all over that concept and dumped it in the Tidal
Basin.
All Kerry-Edwards have to do is to use the facts published in its report --
asserting clearly that despite BushCheney's constant and continuing
suggestions to the contrary, there was no meaningful or operational
connection between Saddam Hussein and Al Qaida and no connection at all to
9/11 -- and let the voters decide.
We shall see. All indications are, as I write this on the day the Democratic
National Convention opens, that the conclave will be a feel-good affair,
with no heavy mortar rounds lobbed at the Bush Administration.
The campaign seems to be operating on the following game-plan: The vote is
going to be razor-close, especially if Nader hangs in there, and thus the
election will be decided by the very small slice of independent voters. So,
all comments will be aimed at getting those swing voters to like us, thus no
angry rhetoric and roundhouse rights aimed at the Republican candidates.
I see it differently. The momentum in state after state, especially in key
toss-up states -- such as Pennsylvania, Ohio, Florida, Arizona, Nevada -- is
swinging more and more to Kerry. I think, if we keep expanding our base and
working our butts off for the next three months, Kerry may well win in an
Electoral College landslide.
So much depends on the acceptance speech Kerry delivers at the Convention.
Can he generate anything even resembling charisma? Can he deliver short,
pithy, punchy, sound-bite arguments? Will he evidence any desire to take off
the gloves and go for Bush's very vulnerable chin?
We shall see.
THE BLOGGERS AMONG US
A big media story at the Convention is the officially-sanctioned presence,
for the first time, of website political bloggers. Not much news will come
out of their convention blogs (remember, they are not trained as reporters;
they are opinionated political writers), but that's not why this is a story.
The reason this story is of interest is that it validates the influence and
impact of the internet -- much as Howard Dean's smooth, effective internet
presence did, especially in organizing folks around the country and raising
lots of money, quickly, for the campaign. Or the amazing impact of groups
such as MoveOn.org . (See Matt Bai's fascinating "Wiring
the Vast Left-Wing Conspiracy").
These bloggers -- such as Josh Marshall, Steve Gilliard, Kos, Atrios,
Corrente, Digby, et al. -- are extremely influential in focusing on items
buried by the conglomerate-owned mass-media, reporting instantaneous
political happenings, cogently analyzing the events and spin of the day,
etc. In this, especially for the growing body of younger citizens who get
their political education via bloggers and Jon Stewart's "Daily Show," they
rival in some ways the traditional influence of veteran reporters and large
newspapers.
Finally, as Steve Gilliard writes below, we should look at bloggers'
presence at the DNC Convention as a tryout for them, a way of learning how
to maneuver away from their virtual desks in the actual political labyrinth
that is contemporary politics. Their mettle truly will be tested when they
blog next month from the Republican National Convention in New York, where
there will be real news inside the hall, and likely real violence outside on
the streets.
Enough from me. Check out Steve Gilliard and Josh Marshall on the blogging
phenomenon, linked to below. And Robert Dreyfuss on one aspect of the 9/11
Commission's report.
Excerpts from
Steve Gilliard's
insightful piece on bloggers, "Blogging Boston Part II," about how and why
we do what we do, and what it means in terms of those covering the
conventions. Here's part of his conclusion:
If bloggers are going to
learn how to cover a spot news event, this is the place and time, a
relatively friendly event, lots of activity and a small city. Some folks
will shine, some will not, but that's the way it is with news. Will we
supplant the reporters? No. Because they will do what they do. Will there
be a fresh voice for the news? Not really, because this isn't really a
news event, so fresh is unlikely.
But, the reason people need to blog the DNC, and there are a lot more than
30 people going to cover this thing, is to learn what they can and cannot
do. This is a good way to break into the big time of reporting on things
and not just commenting on them. People shouldn't judge the DNC as a test
of bloggers, per se, but a training experience, one hopes more like
Taranto than Dieppe. There are a lot of smart, thoughtful people blogging,
but few who have ever covered spot news.
Why?
Because the RNC will be serious business. There won't be time to learn and
to figure things out. I expect serious confrontations and some open
hostility to the RNC and their delegates. People will have to know what
kind of risk they feel comfortable with, and things they can deal with. I
wouldn't send any inexperienced people into New York's streets in August.
It won't be smiles and pats on the back.
Josh Marshall
www.talkingpointsmemo.com is puzzled by the swiftness with which
blogging has gone mainstream, the dangers therein, and what their presence
at the DNC might mean:
When I see the mainest
of mainstream outfits buying into the [blog] concept or the model, I
really don't know what to think. The best way I can describe my reaction
is some mix of puzzlement and incredulity.
I've always thought of this as just a vehicle for writing -- a mix of
reporting and opinion journalism, done in a format that allows a maximum
degree of flexibility, not bound by limitations of space -- the need to
write long or short -- or any of the confining genre requirements that
define conventional journalism.
The whole thing is mystifying to me.
Over at Tom Paine.com,
Robert
Dreyfuss examines one aspect of the 9/11 Commission's Report:
Five Things Wrong With The 9/11 Report
I’m going to spend some time this week pointing out five things wrong with
the 9/11 Commission report—one each day. A thorough job could be, well, 567
pages long, which is the size of that bulky, now-a-best-seller tome. It has
some good stuff in it, mostly in the form of on-the-record documentation.
But there are many flaws, some of which are dangerous ones.
So what’s wrong?
Thing One. There is a scary rush to judgment about implementing the Big
Brother-like recommendations of the commission. You wouldn’t think that
officials and members of Congress would pay that much attention to the
opinion of a Republican governor of New Jersey et al. when it comes to
matters of reorganizing the intelligence community. But the politicians
don’t want to be accused of dragging their heels when it comes to
implementing all 567 pages, in case there is a pre-election terrorist
incident. Adding fuel to the fire are the families of the 9/11 victims.
Let’s be honest here—having endured the tragedy of a terrorist attack
doesn’t make you an expert in fighting terrorism. The commission’s proposal
for reorganizing intelligence is wrong-headed and scary. It would create a
Big Brother that even the authors of the USA PATRIOT Act wouldn’t have
dreamed of.
First, the commission proposes the creation of a National Counterterrorism
Center (NCTC). It would have two functions: intelligence and operations. Of
its intelligence function, the commission says: “The NCTC should lead
strategic analysis, pooling all-source intelligence, foreign and domestic,
about transnational terrorist organizations of global reach.” Operationally,
“The NCTC should perform joint planning. The plans would assign operational
responsibilities to lead agencies, such as State, the CIA, the FBI, Defense
and its combatant commands, Homeland Security, and other agencies.”
According to the commission, the head of the NCTC “must have the right to
concur in the choices of personnel to lead the operating entities of
departments and agencies focused on counterterrorism, specifically to
include the head of the Counterterrorist Center, the head of the FBI’s
Counterterrorism Division, the commanders of the Defense Department’s
Special Operations Command and Northern Command, and the State Department’s
coordinator for counterterrorism."
Then the commission would couple this all-powerful new entity with the
creation of a National Intelligence Director. The NID would be an
intelligence czar, overseeing both foreign and domestic intelligence
collection and analysis. "The National Intelligence Director must be able to
directly oversee intelligence collection inside the United States.” The NID
would also have authority to “approve and submit nominations to the
president of the individuals who would lead the CIA, DIA, FBI Intelligence
Office, NSA, NGA, NRO, [parts of] Homeland Security and other national
intelligence capabilities.” And the NID would control their budgets. The NID
would also oversee covert operations. And: “The head of the NCTC would
report to the national intelligence director.”
In tandem, the NCTC and the NID would create an intelligence power of truly
awesome scope. Because terrorism is essentially a political crime, as the
ACLU reminds us constantly, counterterrorist investigations always involve
politics, dissidents and rebels. It’s not like investigating crimes, or like
intelligence on war-making capabilities of nations. Just as the Patriot Act
knocked down the “wall” between the CIA and the FBI, making it far easier to
conduct domestic spying operations against American citizens not suspected
of a crime, the NCTC-NID combination would concentrate the power to carry
out domestic spying in all-powerful nexus, located (where?) in the White
House. The NID would report directly to the president, or to the “POTUS,” in
the pompous wiring diagram in the commission report. Says the report: “The
intelligence entity inside the NCTC .. would sit there alongside the
operations management unit, … with both making up the NCTC, in the Executive
Office of the President.”
Such changes in our foreign and domestic spying capabilities cannot, and
should not, even be considered in the months before a presidential election,
with each party competing with the other to show how tough on terrorism they
are. I expect that normal bureaucratic resistance will happily block the
commission's radical plan this year, but you never know. One thing we do
know: If Osama bin Laden & Co. are planning some attack this year, the
commission's Big Brother plan won’t stop them—whether it’s enacted or not.
July 23, 2004
Are You Better Off?
Years ago, I was friends with, and often exchanged long political letters
with, the late documentary filmmaker Emile de Antonio ("Point of Order," "In
the Year of the Pig," "Millhouse: A White Comedy," "Rush to Judgment,"
etc.). Given that he was a serious leftist, he shocked me one day at lunch
by pulling out the Wall Street Journal and flipping through the back pages.
I asked him what on earth he -- who liked to call himself a revolutionary --
thought he was doing subscribing to, and reading, the Wall Street Journal.
His answer was wise: "Anyone can read and quote from The Nation or New
Republic or Daily Worker, but when I want to know what's going on in the
economy or in politics, I read the Wall Street Journal. The little items in
the back of the paper, if you know how to read them, often tell me what's
really going on in the elite corridors of power in this country and the
world. Plus, it's always better to quote the rightwing publications; they
can't be dismissed as easily."
I learned a lot from "de" (pronounced "dee") over the years, and that
insight affected the way I learned to read newspapers. Obviously, I pay
attention to the big stories on the front pages, but it's often the
paragraphs buried inside those stories, sometimes at the very end of a long
piece, that contain the nuggets you need to know. I.F. Stone, another of my
journalistic heroes and role-models, operated along the same lines, always
ripping the smaller stories out of some newspaper or other and putting them
in his pocket for later use.
So, with that intro, here are the key paragraphs from this week's Wall
Street Journal story that needs to be read and folded into the presidential
campaign. Warning: Class warfare alert! Class warfare alert! (From the WSJ
no less! Thanks, de.)
With the U.S. economy expanding and the labor market improving, it
isn't clear how well the Democrats' message of a divided America will
resonate with voters this fall. But many economists believe the economic
recovery has indeed taken two tracks...
Upper-income families, who pay the most in taxes and reaped the largest
gains from the tax cuts President Bush championed, drove a surge of
consumer spending a year ago that helped to rev up the recovery. Wealthier
households also have been big beneficiaries of the stronger stock market,
higher corporate profits, bigger dividend payments and the boom in
housing.
Lower and middle-income households have benefited from some of these
trends, but not nearly as much. For them paychecks and day-to-day living
expenses have a much bigger effect. Many have been squeezed, with wages
under pressure and with gasoline and food prices higher. The resulting
two-tier recovery is showing up in vivid detail in the way Americans are
spending their money.
..."To date, the [recovery's] primary beneficiaries have been upper-income
households," concludes Dean Maki, a J.P. Morgan Chase (and former Federal
Reserve) economist who has studied the ways that changes in wealth affect
spending. In research he sent to clients this month, Mr. Maki said, "Two
of the main factors supporting spending over the past year, tax cuts and
increases in [stock] wealth, have sharply benefited upper income
households relative to others."
For more on this important story, see Billmon's long piece,
"Building a Bridge to the 19th Century,"
along with the story above it, "Minimum Wage."
SANDY BERGER/JOE WILSON FLAPS
How to interpret what's happening in Iraq, the controversies surrounding
Joseph Wilson, Sandy Berger, Martha Stewart, et al? Is there some fire there
or just a lot of Bush Campaign smoke?
It seems clear to me that in order to understand what's happening in all
these, and other, areas of politics, you have to peer through the lens of
November 2. Certainly, that's how Rove sees the world.
What I mean is that everything, EVERYTHING, done by the Bush Administration
these days is for one purpose and one purpose only: to get Bush back in the
White House for another term. If they're successful, they can revert back to
their normal modus operandi -- further amassing of police-power and slicing
away of Constitutional protections at home, and abroad moving toward "regime
change" in Syria and Iran and Cuba
But they can not begin to implement those aggressive agendas unless they win
the election. Ergo, go on the offensive, change the subject of discussion,
get the Bush-friendly mass media on board to snow the public.
* For example, the attempt to alter Iraq news to benefit Bush's campaign, by
"handing over" something termed "full sovereignty" to the U.S.-friendly
interim government. The entire object of that enterprise was to get the Iraq
mayhem off the front pages, or, if not that, have Iraqis dying and getting
maimed, not American troops. (As it turns out, more U.S. troops have died in
July already, AFTER the handover, than in all of June.)
* In the case of Berger and Wilson, it's important to harass and destroy the
reputations of these two guys because they have been damaging Bush&Co. on
9/11 pre-knowledge and the outing of CIA agent Valerie Plame (Wilson's
wife).
Rove figures he can get a two-for-one by sliming Berger and Wilson, because
both are tied to the Kerry campaign, as foreign-policy consultants.
Berger, Clinton's National Security Advisor, told the incoming Bush
administration that their major security concern would be terrorism as
plotted by Osama bin Laden; the Bushies ignored the warning. If Berger can
be shown to be a liar and endangering "national security" himself, by having
taken classified documents home with him, Bush's pre-9/11 vulnerability can
be diminished. At least, that's their hope.
Likewise, if they can make Wilson out to be a liar, on any small detail of
his story, they hope they can take attention away from the felonious outing
of a covert CIA operative (by two "senior Administration officials") by
putting it on Wilson. It is especially important to do that now, just before
the indictments are issued in the Plame case.
Now, does this mean that Berger and Wilson -- and let's now bring Martha
Stewart into the mix as well -- are entirely innocent of any wrongdoing? No.
But let's keep our eyes on the ball here and not get distracted: Whatever
these folks did or didn't do is not what's at issue here; what IS at issue
are the crimes and misdemeanors of the Bush Administration in: outing a
covert CIA operative, in ignoring the clear-and-present-danger warnings
about a coming al-Qaida attack, in continuing to carry out a war against
Iraq based on lies and deception that is getting hundreds of troops and
Iraqi civilians slaughtered each week.
One can hope that seeing how Bush&Co. are trying to shift the focus of media
attack to their opponents, Democrats and those associated with Kerry will
take special care to keep their noses clean. Don't give the Bush forces any
opening, no matter how small, to change the subject away from Bush&Co's
incompetence, misrule, and reckless domestic and foreign policies.
Enough from me. Here's more on some of these topics by fellow bloggers
Corrente, Kos, Billmon, Kevin Drum, Juan Cole, and Josh Marshall.
Over at
Corrente, Lambert has
this take on the Berger affair:
Gee, I wonder if the whole Berger smear could be politically motivated?
Bush:
President Bush on Wednesday described the federal inquiry into Clinton
White House national security adviser Sandy Berger's mishandling of
classified documents as "a very serious matter."
The FBI:
But a government official who asked not to be identified because of the
political sensitivity of the matter said that FBI agents did not regard
the Berger inquiry as "a front-burner-type of investigation."
(via USA Today).
The fish really does rot from the head, doesn't it?
Kevin Drum
skewers the rightwing obsession with the Berger case, noting how this
behavior differs from what they did -- nothing -- in the Plame case.
THAT WAS THEN, THIS IS NOW....Tom Davis is the Republican chairman of the
House Government Reform Committee. Among other things, this means he's the
point man for congressional investigations of governmental misdeeds.
Here is Tom Davis on his plans to open an investigation into the outing of
CIA agent Valerie Plame, which was first exposed by David Corn on July 16,
2003:
July 17, 2003: Nothing.
October 3, 2003: "I know [John] Ashcroft very well, and I'm sure he'll go
by the book." Um, OK. Nonetheless, he also said he was "gearing up" to
lead an investigation of the matter. "It's our obligation to do so. This
is something we can't tolerate."
January 23, 2004: "If they don't find it, we will. It will be looked at
and second-guessed. It's a troubling and serious violation." But we'll
still wait on gearing up that investigation.
July 21, 2004: Still gearing up. No investigation yet.
Two days ago, on July 19, 2004, AP reported that former NSA Sandy Berger
had removed some classified documents from the National Archives and is the
subject of an active FBI investigation. How does Davis feel about this?
July 21, 2004: Congress has "a constitutional responsibility to find
out what happened and why. At best, we're looking at tremendously
irresponsible handling of highly classified information." An investigation
is underway.
Hey! Tom Davis can move mighty quickly when he puts his mind to it! I
wonder what the difference between these two cases is?
Speaker of the House Dennis Hastert, who has been equally sanguine about the
FBI's ability to investigate the Plame case, is also deeply concerned.
Kos takes a long look:
I have admittedly ignored the Sandy Berger thing. Everything I read
indicated that he may have done something stupid, but if Ashcroft's Justice
Department wasn't interested in pursuing a case, it couldn't be anything
serious.
Of course, the GOP hysteria over the topic isn't really about anything
Berger did. It's about fear of the upcoming 9/11 report.
Stealing this from the Center for American Progress:
One day before the bipartisan 9/11 Commission is scheduled to release
its final report, Bush administration allies on Capitol Hill have put
their partisan spin machine into high-gear. Despite overwhelming evidence
that President Bush underfunded counter-terrorism, ignored repeated memos
warning of an imminent attack by Osama bin Laden, and took one of the
longest vacations in presidential history while the pre-9/11 security
threat boiled, Republicans are seeking to blame 9/11 on the Clinton
administration even before the Commission's report has been published.
Their current target: former National Security Adviser Sandy Berger, who
in October 2003 acknowledged inadvertently losing two documents from the
National Archives. House Speaker Dennis Hastert, House Majority Leader Tom
DeLay and Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist claimed Berger was trying to
deceive the 9/11 Commission. They failed to mention the Commission refuted
that charge, and that even the Bush Justice Department admits the incident
is so innocuous, that CBS News reports "law enforcement sources say they
don't expect any criminal charges will be filed."
REPUBLICANS ADMIT THE TIMING SMELLS: CBS News reported last night that
even Republicans "say the timing of the investigation's disclosure smells
like politics, leaked to the press just two days before the 9/11
Commission report comes out." Republican strategist
Eddie Mahe said, "somebody is manipulating the process." Why? Because,
as the WP reports, the final report by the commission concludes Iraq
"never established operational ties" with al Qaeda. In other words, the
Commission is about to formally conclude that one of the two major
justifications the administration gave for war in Iraq was a fraud. With
the WMD justification also proving false, the administration is desperate
to distract from polls that show a majority of Americans say the
war was a
mistake. Even more troubling for the White House, almost half
the public now says the White House
"deliberately misled" America about Iraq. It was this fear that the
Commission would embarrass the Bush administration that led the White
House to
oppose its creation. And it is no surprise that yesterday
Commission Chairman Tom Kean admitted that some
wanted the 9/11 Commission to fail.
MOTIVE ACCUSATIONS JUST PLAIN SILLY: Reuters reports "Republicans accused
Berger of taking the documents so they could be used by the Kerry campaign
at a news conference on port security." Said Sen. Rick Santorum (R-PA):
"Right after the documents were taken, John Kerry held a photo op and
attacked the president on port security. The documents that were taken may
have been utilized for that press conference." Although the timing in this
fable may be accurate, one thing is clear: neither Kerry nor any citizen
in America needs secret documents from the National Archives to know the
Bush administration and Republicans in Congress have dangerously
underfunded seaport and airport security. As American Progress fellow PJ
Crowley notes, while the Coast Guard has said it needs $7.5 billion for
key port security upgrades, the White House has requested just $45 million
this year. Similarly, as the Century Foundation reports, while "the
Transportation Security Administration estimates there is a 35% to 65%
chance that terrorists are planning to place a bomb in the cargo of a U.S.
passenger plane" the administration has only provided funding to make sure
that 5% of air cargo is screened.
WHERE IS THE LEAK OUTRAGE?: CBS News reports the controversy "was
triggered by a carefully orchestrated leak" about the FBI's investigation
of the matter. Yet, top administration officials and Republicans who have
previously expressed outrage about leaks were nowhere to be found. There
was no statement of outrage or call for an investigation from Attorney
General John Ashcroft who in 2001 said leaks "do substantial damage to the
security interests of the nation." Similarly, there was nothing from the
Chambliss, who one year ago said "leaks have always been a problem and
continue to be a problem." And it was all quiet at the Pentagon, despite
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld stating last year that leaks are
"disgraceful, they're unprofessional, they're dangerous."
NO SIMILAR OUTRAGE ABOUT BUSH RECORDS BEING DESTROYED: Even as Rush
Limbaugh and the GOP's congressional leadership insinuate without proof
that Berger was deliberately trying to destroy records, they have made
little mention about last week's disclosure that President Bush's key
military draft records were
destroyed by Pentagon officials. The documents in question would
have proven whether the President was lying about whether he fulfilled his
military service that allowed him to avoid going to Vietnam. The
destruction of the documents has forced the Associated Press to
sue for
copies of them, which are
legally required to exist in the Texas archives. Despite promises to
release all documents, the president has refused to release the Texas
copies.
Josh Marshall provides
more context for the whole affair:
Hmmm. Imagine that. Senior officials at the White House Counsel's Office
(perhaps understandable) and "several top aides to" the president (not so
understandable) were given a heads-up about the Berger investigation months
ago.
So says the
New
York Times.
Meanwhile, the Post has a
tangled article about how Archives staffers allegedly became
suspicious of Berger while he was reviewing the documents and even started
monitoring him. Calling the piece 'tangled' isn't necessarily a criticism.
The reporters clearly have two very conflicting versions of events and are
trying to explain both -- and point out the ways they contradict. The piece
reads as if the authors' themselves are uncertain which version to credit.
What's also clear from the Post article is that not only law enforcement
officials but also one 'government source' are leaking like crazy about this
story.
The story the leakers tell in the Post story certainly seems hard to
reconcile with inadvertence.
Finally,
USA Today says that FBI agents involved in the case didn't think the
whole thing was particularly serious.
Finally a case President Bush is eager to see investigated. Bush on
Berger: "This is a very serious matter that will be fully investigated by
the Justice Department."
As we said earlier, desperate.
Winning campaigns don't put the candidate in the mud.
Apropos of my earlier post about Republican desperation, here's Charlie
Cook of the Cook Report on the state of the presidential race ...
Last week in this space, I discounted the widely held view that the
knotted polling numbers between Bush and Kerry meant that the race itself
was even. I argued that given the fact that well-known incumbents with a
defined record rarely get many undecided voters -- a quarter to a third at
an absolute maximum -- an incumbent in a very stable race essentially tied
at 45 percent was actually anything but in an even-money situation. "What
you see is what you get" is an old expression for an incumbent's trial
heat figures, meaning very few undecided voters fall that way.
......This is certainly not to predict that Bush is going to lose, that
this race is over or that other events and developments will not have an
enormous impact on this race. The point is that this race has settled into
a place that is not at all good for an incumbent, is remarkably stable,
and one that is terrifying many Republican lawmakers, operatives and
activists. But in a typically Republican fashion, they are too polite and
disciplined to talk about it much publicly.
From a Press Release just out from Speaker Hastert ...
Speaker Hastert on Congressional Investigation Regarding National
Security and Sandy Berger
(Washington D.C.) Speaker of the House J. Dennis Hastert (R-IL) today made
the following statement:
"Like many Americans concerned about our national security, I look forward
to learning more from the House Government Reform Committee's
investigation into the wayward actions by Sandy Berger. The American
people deserve to know why Mr. Berger apparently skirted the law and
removed highly classified terrorism documents, purportedly in his pants,
from a secure reading room at the National Archives and then proceeded to
lose or destroy some of them.
"How could President Clinton's former National Security Advisor be so
cavalier?
"Was Mr. Berger trying to cover-up key facts regarding intelligence
failures during his watch?
"What happened to those missing documents?
"Whose hands did they fall into?
"What kind of security risk does that pose to Americans today?
"I know Chairman Tom Davis (R-VA) will work to get the full truth of what
really happened and help all of us better understand why Sandy Berger, a
person who should fully understand the gravity and importance of sensitive
national security materials, would operate with such overt negligence and
apparent disregard for the law."
Any Democrat has to see red when reading those words -- in fact, I'm
tempted to say anyone with more than a bit of decency.
But I post them because critics of the administration, whatever their anger
or indignation over those comments, should actually greet all this with a
smile.
There's no doubt this Berger imbroglio has thrown the Dems seriously off
message for a couple days. And it's embarrassing. There's no denying it. But
Hastert's words are those of folks who are desperate -- real desperate.
Folks looking at November 2nd, not liking at all what they see, and casting
about for anything that will change the political lay of the land.
It's
cornered, wounded animal time.
Finally, Juan Cole has a go at
aspects of the 9/11 Commission's final report:
The September 11 Panel will issue its findings on Thursday. It notes 10
points at which the US made key mistakes that might have stopped Bin Laden's
plot. Four of these were under Clinton and 6 under Bush.
Bush came out today and said that if he had known what was coming, he would
have expended every effort to stop it, and that so would have Clinton. This
statement is, despite its facade of fair-mindedness, so many weasel words.
Of course Bush would have tried to stop 9/11 if he had known it was coming.
The question is, "Should he have known it was coming?"
The answer is, "Yes!"
We now know that Bush and his administration came into office obsessed with
Iraq. Cheney was looking at maps of Iraq oil fields and muttering about
opportunities for US companies there, already in January or February of
2001.
Wolfowitz contradicted counter-terrorism czar Richard Clarke when the latter
spoke of the al-Qaeda threat, insisting that the preeminent threat of
terrorism against the US came from Iraq, and indicating he accepted Laurie
Mylroie's crackpot conspiracy theory that Saddam was behind the 1993 World
Trade Towers bombing. If you believe crackpot theories instead of focusing
on the reality--that was an al-Qaeda operation mainly carried out by al-Gamaa
al-Islamiyyah, an Egyptian terrorist component allied with Bin Laden-- then
you will concentrate on the wrong threat.
Even after the attacks on September 11, Bush was obsessing about Iraq.
Wolfowitz lied to him and said that there was a 10 to 50% chance that Iraq
was behind them. (On what evidence? The hijackers were obviously al-Qaeda,
and no operational links between al-Qaeda and Iraq had ever been found).
Rumsfeld initially rejected an attack on al-Qaeda bases in Afghanistan,
saying there were "no good targets" in Afghanistan. (What about 40 al-Qaeda
bases that had trained the 9/11 hijackers and other terrorists gunning for
the United States??) The Pentagon did not even have a plan for dealing with
Afghanistan or al-Qaeda that it could pull off the shelf, according to Bob
Woodward.
Bush did not have his eye on the ball. Neither did Cheney, Rumsfeld, or
Wolfowitz. They were playing Captain Ahab to Saddam's great white whale.
Imperial Hubris makes the case that lots of people in the CIA and
counter-terrorism divisions elsewhere in the US government knew all about
Bin Laden and the threat he posed. They were from all accounts marginalized
and not listened to. Bush demoted Dick Clarke, among the most vocal and
focused of the al-Qaeda experts, from his cabinet. Dick could never
thereafter get any real cooperation from the cabinet officers, who outranked
him, and he could not convince them to go to battle stations in the summer
of 2001 when George Tenet's hair was "on fire" about the excited chatter the
CIA was picking up from radical Islamist terrorists.
As for the Clinton administration, let me say one thing in its defense.
Clinton had worked out a deal with Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in
summer of 1999 that would have allowed the US to send a Special Ops team in
after Bin Laden in Qandahar, based from Pakistan. I presume you need the
Pakistan base for rescue operations in case anything went wrong. You also
need Pakistani air space. The plan was all set and could have succeeded.
But in fall of 1999, Gen. Pervez Musharraf made a coup against Nawaz Sharif.
The Pakistani army was rife with elements protective of the Taliban, and the
new military government reneged on the deal. Musharraf told Clinton he
couldn't use Pakistani soil or air space to send the team in against Bin
Laden.
Look at a map and you try to figure out how, in fall of 1999, you could
possibly pull off such an operation without Pakistani facilities. Of course,
you could just go in by main force. But for those of you tempted in that
direction, please look up Carter's Tabas operation. It should be easily
googled. Clinton tried, and tried hard. The gods weren't with us on that one.
July 19, 2004
T-Shirt "Terrorists"
Many HardRightists think that those of us who cherish civil liberties are
paranoid about the tone set by the Patriot Act and other such draconian
measures emanating from the Bush Administration. They tend to justify the
slicing away of Constitutional protections as necessary given the terrorist
threat to our national security.
But how can they possibly justify the infringement of free speech involved
when a couple wearing anti-Bush T-shirts were handcuffed and thrown out of a
public gathering where Bush was to address the crowd?
That's
what happened to Nicole and Jeff Rank at a West Virginia rally on (of
all appropriate days) the 4th of July.
Another example: a local Wisconsin politico,
Jayson Nelson, was running late to attend a political speech by
Bush. He had just come from a Kerry rally and grabbed his heavy,
long-sleeved shirt and buttoned it all the way to the top. Someone tipped
off the Secret Service, or maybe spied the tiny bit of green t-shirt poking
above the highest button. He was unceremoniously ushered to the Secret
Service and ejected.
In both cases, ordinary citizens, had come to hear Mr. Bush speak, to hear
what he had to say. They caused no disruption, nor did they come there with
intent to. But they were denied the right to peaceably assemble with other
citizens, with whom they might or might not agree, to partake of a public
(not a private) event. But they were ejected anyway. The first pair were
handcuffed and taken to jail (a judge later dismissed their trespassing
charge); the second, Nelson, said: “I was told that no law was broken, but I
was nearly treated like a criminal for the terrible crime of wearing a
T-shirt.”
In both cases, when confronted, the Secret Service agreed that the citizens
had every constitutional right to be there, and the guards had no right to
throw them out. But they were ejected anyway. (Which action accomplished its
aim, to frighten others who witnessed the arrests from taking similar
action, keeping them docile.)
"WHO CARES WHAT YOU THINK?"
But these cases are not unique. There are scads of such reports, of visits
from the FBI because of statements opposed to Bush policies, of being
ejected from public gatherings, of being refused the right to fly, and so
on.
One expects such behavior from Bush -- insecure at his core, he's
notoriously thin-skinned, and brooks no dissent. Let us not forget the
incident early in his tenure, when a citizen shook his hand when Bush came
to town and asked him a critical question about his policy, and Bush replied
"Who
cares what you think?" It's been the same ever since.
When Bush has to appear in a non-structured event -- that is, when he's not
speaking to groups of invited pro-Bush citizens: military troops, defense
contractors, neo-conservative gatherings, Christian Right congregations,
etc. -- he makes sure that all those who have contrary points of view are
segregated blocks, and often and miles, away from where he might have to see
or hear them. The police, with no attempt at irony, refers to these areas as
"free-speech zones."
How would the Bushistas react, I often wonder, if the situations were
reversed -- if President Gore was appearing in their community and they
wished to silently express their displeasure at his policies by wearing
political-message T-shirts, and they got thrown out, or were forced to mill
about miles away in "free-speech" enclosures? Somehow, I don't think they'd
appreciate such heavy-handed approaches to their Constitutional right to
assemble and express themselves.
THE RULE OF THE RIGHTEOUS
On occasion, I have been able to ask several rightwing acquaintances this
very question. I'm sure you can guess the reaction I got: "Yeah, but you
guys are wrong, and potentially dangerous, and besides terrorists could be
among you."
In other words, ignoring the question while asserting their righteousness,
and your "wrong"-ness, which apparently is meant to justify the illegal
behavior of the police.
This attitude is greatly influenced by the tone, and disrespect for
democracy, that emanates from BushCheneyRove and their ilk. (See Digby's
commentary below.) Bush on at least three public occasions has expressed --
supposedly in jest, ha ha -- his desire to rule as a dictator. The way his
Republican congressional allies violate the rules and manhandle the rights
of the Democrat minority is likewise in the same vein.
THE GREAT SMITER OF NATIONS
The name of the game is winning, and using power as a weapon to get their
way. Bush claims that he gets his war
marching orders
from God, ("God told me to strike at al Qaida and I struck them,
and then he instructed me to strike at Saddam, which I did, and now I am
determined to solve the problem in the Middle East"; a few days ago, he
told an Amish
group that he believes "God speaks through me"), and thus
apparently doesn't feel he has to take other points of view into
consideration.
Once upon a time, we looked on those who expressed such views as fanatic
zealots, or, if in extremis, in need of institutional care. Now they are
treated deferentially, as if such Talaban-like pronouncements are welcome in
a democratic republic, founded by wise men who knew firsthand the dangers of
religious self-righteousness.
Our democratic institutions are in grave danger of permanent erosion, if the
election results give this crew another four years to finish their
constitutional deconstruction project. The Patriot Act is bad enough,
permitting police agents to enter your home and computer, check them out,
and never have to tell you; read your emails; attorney-client privilege no
longer is sacrosanct; the FBI can find out what books you read, and your
librarian is forbidden by law to tell you they're doing it.
SNOOPS AND SNEAKS
But there are more recent atrocities: Their project to
turn citizens
into informers is still lying dormant; they have asked churches to
supply their congregation lists to the Bush Campaign; in
Minnesota, loyal GOP cadres are being asked to
supply information, obtained however they can, on the politics of their
neighbors; in New York, immigrant tenants asking for repairs to their shoddy
apartments are told by the landlords that they'll be
reported
to the Homeland Security Administration unless they keep
silent; and on and on.
And that's just the domestic damage they are doing. Abroad, it's even
scarier, since thousands of people are being killed and maimed in the name
of America's desire to control Middle East energy sources, and to reshape
the geopolitics of that key area of the world -- one that doesn't really
seem to want to move, at the barrel of a gun, toward an American vision of
democracy and free-market capitalism.
The other Arab states in the area look at Iraq and wonder what kind of
"democracy" is being peddled. Iyad Allawi, the new prime minister of Iraq --
picked by us to lead his nation into democracy and respect for the rule of
law after we "liberated" the country from the brutality and lawlessness of
Saddam Hussein --
has been
accused of taking out a pistol recently at an Iraqi jail and murdering
six suspected insurgents, devoid of charge or trial.
What hath we wrought?
Enough from me. Here are further thoughts on these and other matters from
fellow bloggers Digby and Steve Gilliard.
Digby takes a serious look at
how the Bush Administration views American democracy and its restraints on
rulers:
They Don't Like Democracy
Charles Pierce gets to
the nub
of the argument:
There really is only one issue in this election. Since the Extended
Florida Unpleasantness, this has been an Administration utterly
unconcerned with any restraints, constitutional or otherwise, on its
power. It has been contemptuous of the idea of self-government, and
particularly of the notion that an informed populace is necessary to that
idea. It recognizes neither parliamentary rules nor constitutional
barriers. (Just for fun, imagine that the Senate had not authorized force
in Iraq. Do you think for one moment that C-Plus Augustus wouldn't have
launched the war anyway, and on some pretext that we'd only now be
discovering was counterfeit?) It does not accept the concept of principled
opposition, either inside the administration or outside of it. It refuses
to be bound by anything more than its political appetites. It wants what
it wants, and it does what it wants. It is, at its heart, and in the
strictest definition of the word, lawless. It has the perfect front men: a
president unable to admit a mistake because he's spent his entire life
being insulated from even the most minor of consequences, and a
vice-president who is viscerally furious at the notion that he is
accountable to anyone at all. They are abetted by a congressional majority
in which all of these un-American traits are amplified to an overwhelming
din.
So, now we are faced with the question: Do you want to live in a country
where these people no longer feel even the vaporous restraints of having
another election to win?
BUSH-CHENEY UNLEASHED. Up or down? Yes or no?
There you have it.
Jon
Chait in The New Republic amplifies this theme:
Here we have a sample of the style of governance that has prevailed
under Bush's presidency. It's not the sort of thing you would find in a
civics textbook. Bush and his allies have been described as partisan or
bare-knuckled, but the problem is more fundamental than that. They have
routinely violated norms of political conduct, smothered information
necessary for informed public debate, and illegitimately exploited
government power to perpetuate their rule. These habits are not just mean
and nasty. They're undemocratic.
What does it mean to call the president "undemocratic"? It does not mean
Bush is an aspiring dictator. Despite descending from a former president
and telling confidants that God chose him to lead the country, he does not
claim divine right of rule. He is not going to cancel the election or rig
it with faulty ballots. (Well, almost certainly not.) But democracy can be
a matter of degree. Russia and the United States are both democracies, but
the United States is more democratic than Russia. The proper indictment of
the Bush administration is, therefore, not that he's abandoning American
democracy, but that he's weakening it. This administration is, in fact,
the least democratic in the modern history of the presidency.
I think it's very important to note that this is not something that's
confined to the Bush administration alone as if they are some sort of GOP
anomalies. The fact is that this is an ongoing, serious problem of the
modern Republican Party in general. They are congenitally opposed to
compromise which leads inevitably to rule by force.
Chait argues that the Bush administration is not destroying democracy but
rather weakening it. I would suggest that that adds up to the same thing.
They are unlikely, except in a desperate situation, to attempt a military
coup or do something dramatically attention grabbing like cancel the
election. They aren't that stupid. They can attain everything they want over
time by simply eroding democracy to the point at which it has all of the
trappings and none of the substance. That process has been going on for some
time now and escalating gradually to the point at which we now find
ourselves with a presidency (which has always been the repository of
Republican ruling fantasies) that quite blatantly declares that it has no
responsibility to uphold the laws if it deems them an impediment to national
security.
But it's not the Bushies, it's the party. Removing Bush will not solve this
problem. Indeed, I'm sure the GOP congress would love to get back into
action and resume its natural investigative role which they have been shut
out of while Republicans are in the white house. Their egos demand a little
bit of the spotlight.
I'm sure there are many Republicans who simply don't see what is happening
and would be horrified if they did. Not even the Democrats who have been on
the receiving end of these undemocratic power plays seem to have been aware
until recently of what has been going on.
I have been repeating this "undemocratic" mantra since the mid 1990's. (You
can Google this blog for the word and you'll see that I've done my best to
bore everyone to tears with it.) It is a huge threat to this country --- one
that has been magnified a hundred fold by the events if 9/11. It's not
tin-foil kookiness and it's not partisan angst. It's real. And while I have
little doubt that many reasonable sorts (which, by the way, I am also) will
shake their heads sadly once again at my shrillness and hysteria for taking
this view, I'll continue to do it. The Emperor has no clothes. I see what I
see. I'm glad to have some company.
Steve Gilliard
adds a warning addendum to the story referenced above about the GOP
activists asked to snoop on their neighbors' politics and report back to the
Bush Campaign:
So when those names wind up in the Homeland Security database, it would be
an "accident."
It's one thing to report positives, but another to keep track of negatives.
This is the kind of thing which gets people sued.
July 16, 2004
Setting Up the Rigging Poles
This question may have occurred to you, too: Why would Bush&Co., with a
straight-face, still continue telling the most outrageous lies about Iraq --
especially about the alleged but non-existent "close ties" between Saddam
Hussein and al-Qaida -- even when they've been proven demonstrably false
time and time again?
Certainly, the Senate Intelligence Committee's report lowered the boom on
the Administration's intel failures (starting with the CIA). Even Tony
Blair, who used the same faulty intelligence to justify the war -- and
likewise got smacked around by the investigating panel's report just a few
days ago -- is backing away from some of his more outrageous claims.
Here are some possible answers with regard to the Bush Administration:
1. The Busheviks believe what they're saying.
2. Those claims are designed to distract their opposition from
focusing on other, perhaps more important issues.
3. Bush&Co. know they have to have a reason, some reason, ANY reason,
to justify the invasion, so, not knowing what else to say, they revert back
to what has worked for them earlier, before the truth became fully apparent
to the investigating bodies and the citizenry at large. If you tell whoppers
long enough, they may believe, those lies take on a life all their own and
many in the citizenry come to believe them. The art of agit-prop.
4. The modus operandi of Bush&Co. is to lie, obfuscate, distort,
deceive, manipulate. They're addicted to this technique. Lies are their
"fix."
5. Those Bush&Co. lies are not aimed at folks more attuned to the
complex political situation. They are designed to help solidify the base in
the fundamentalist 30-35% of the population, some of whom are beginning to
wander away from the Bush fold. Also helps explain why the GOP regularly
throws that segment of the population hunks of red meat to chomp on -- the
attempt by GOP senators to pass an "anti-gay marriage" amendment, for
example. Doomed to defeat from the git-go, but a pot worth stirring in the
fundamentalist right's kitchen.
No doubt, there are other options that I haven't included, but let's examine
these five.
RATING THE REASONS
Number One: I don't really accept this one; Rove is vicious and
incompetent, but he knows exactly what he's doing. The Bushies may be dumb,
but they ain't stupid.
Number Two: They know how those lies enrage the left and critical
press, and that their opposition therefore will take after them big time,
focusing on those whoppers rather than on larger, more potentially damaging
scandals: the torture orders emanating from the top, the attempt to set up
an extra-constitutional dictatorship, the Plame case, Cheney's energy and
Halliburton scandals, Bush and Ken Lay, preparations for "legally" derailing
the elections, etc. etc.
Number Three is partially true: The Bush Administration hasn't yet
worked out the new approach to Iraq. They keep hoping Iraq miraculously will
turn around for them, and they won't have to step out on any limbs that
might indicate they've made mistakes, either in going to war or in the way
the Occupation has been conducted. So, in the meantime -- and it's a real
question how long they can continue hoping for a major change before the
truth socks them upside the head -- they'll keep spinning the old pre-war
web of lies and distortions.
Number Four is definitely true -- they do need help, won't admit that
they need help, and therefore the stress of maintaining these fictions, and
fighting off those who reveal their falseness, is taking them to the
emotional edge -- and therefore we citizens will have to help them out with
an electoral "intervention" on November 2.
THE BIG NUMBER FIVE
This mention of the upcoming election brings us to Number Five, which I
think has much merit. If, as a Bush campaign planner, you see Kerry surging,
and your candidate is not, you must win essentially with your base. That
means you've got to reduce the Democratic base of voters below yours, by
some strategem, in order to eke out enough victories in the toss-up states
to take the Electoral College prize.
Let's think of ways the GOP can keep that Democrat vote down:
a. Back Nader, to siphon off votes that otherwise might go to Kerry;
this already is happening in a number of states, with GOP funders pouring money into the Nader campaign, paying for petition drives
for him, etc.
b. Slime the Dem candidates, trying to convince wavering Dems
(especially progressives) and moderate Republicans who might be tempted, to
not vote for the Kerry-Edwards ticket. We're sure to see the crudest of
dirty-tricks campaigning in the next several months.
c. In
whatever toss-up states that are using touch-screen voting systems without
voter-verified safeguards, consider fiddling with the
software to remove some votes from Democrats and move them over into the
Republican column, enough to make for a Bush victory. It may have been done
in Georgia in 2002. It's
already been demonstrated how easy it is for this manipulation to be accomplished -- either by the
software technicians, by hackers from the outside, or by those companies
tabulating the votes -- without leaving a single trace that the tallies have
been altered.
(Note: By and large, the companies who make and install the computer voting
machines -- several of the largest of which are owned by rabid Republican
supporters -- also tabulate the votes, in secret, and then report the
results to the election officials. Don't forget the promise by the
chairman of Diebold -- one of Bush's major "Pioneer" donors -- that he's
"committed to helping Ohio deliver its electoral votes to the president."
Think absentee ballots!
d. Keep new voters from registering Democratic,
especially recent immigrants who tend to vote more liberally. After a recent
swearing-in ceremony for new citizens, for example, voting registration
forms were supplied outside the hall by GOP operatives -- with the
Republican box
already checked-off -- to
these eager new Americans, many of whom couldn't read English all that well
and had no idea they had signed up as Republicans and would be receiving all
the Bush propaganda in the mail and probably by visitors to their homes as
well.
e. Keep many Democrats from going to the polls. The process already
has started. The Administration has been pounding away at the fright theme
with regard to the upcoming elections. Remove some likely Dem voter from the
rolls (see Florida for tips.) "Al-Qaida will try to disrupt our election
process" before or during the voting,
we are told Armed guards may have to be stationed outside polling stations. (Remember
Florida in 2000, when many black citizens in poor counties approached the
polling stations, to find armed police standing there, oftentimes
questioning their bone fides?) I've even heard speculation about taking
advantage of a supposed terrorist attack on the Democratic convention.
Anything to keep Dems from wanting to exercise their right to vote. Yet
another argument for voting by absentee ballot, but don't forget to check to
see how those votes will be counted.
f. Finally, if the pre-election poll numbers for BushCheney
(or Bush and whomever takes Cheney's place on the ballot
if he's indicted
by France and Nigeria in connection with Halliburton scandals) are too low
to permit even a corrupted election, there's always the option of "postponing" the
voting due to this expected terrorist attack and/or threat. The
"postponement," of course, would be couched as necessary in order to "defend
the right of every citizen to vote." Germany in the '30s, anyone?
In short, friends, organize, organize, ORGANIZE! And fasten your seat-belts;
it's going to be a VERY bumpy ride these next few months.
Enough from me; here are some relevant comments from fellow bloggers.
Matthew Yglesias examines the
question "Who's Helped by a Terrorist Attack":
Dan Drezner
asks the question of the hour -- who wins politically from a terrorist attack?
One thing that's interesting about this question is that it sort of
encourages each side's partisans to say it will help the other guy. After
all, if it becomes entrenched conventional wisdom that an attack will help
Bush, then if an attack happens it will seem like it was partially designed
to help re-elect Bush, which would hurt Bush. This is why GOP partisans have
been running around town darkly implying that an attack may be in the works
aimed at influencing the election "just like in Madrid." In other words,
terrorists love John Kerry.
So that's one complication to add to a complicated dynamic. Folks on both
sides of the aisle will be scrambling like hell to make the case that Osama
has endorsed candidate X or candidate Y. Most broadly, though, I think that
while the immediate impact of an attack would be to help Bush ("rally 'round
the flag," etc.) that pretty soon afterwards that bounce would fade and
Kerry would get the advantage. The reason is that a successful attack would
(a) reveal that we're still unsafe, and (b) reveal that Bush isn't doing
anything to try and make us any safer, he's busy fighting a
counterinsurgency in Iraq.
The president's not going to be able to go off on another three-year,
two-war sequence in response to a second attack, which is going to wind up
revealing the fact that there really isn't all that much "decisive
leadership" forthcoming from this gang. Kerry, meanwhile, will get to say
something vague about how this shows it's time for a new approached centered
on doing good things in smart ways, or whatever it is you say on a campaign
trail.
The question is -- how long would the bounce last? The post-Saddam bounce
lasted six weeks, which I'd say is a reasonable estimate for a terror bounce
as well. So starting in late-September, I think attacks help Bush, but until
then they wind up helping Kerry.
That means that if an attack comes soon, the terrorists want Kerry to win
and you should vote for Bush. If it comes later, they want Bush to win and
you should vote for Kerry. Or maybe they know that's what you'll think and
if they like Kerry they'll attack late and if they like Bush they'll attack
early. But what if they guessed that, too? Well, then. . . .
Juan Cole dissects Bush's reiterated lies in a recent
speech; here are the opening paragraphs:
President Bush gave a speech on Tuesday in which he made specific claims
about how the United States is safer as a result of his military action. I
dispute assertions about particular Middle Eastern or South Asian countries.
"The world is changing for the better because of American leadership.
America is safer today because we are leading the world. Afghanistan was
once the home of al-Qaeda. Now terror camps are closed, democracy is rising,
and the American people are safer," he said.
Cole: The Afghanistan war was the right war at the right time, and it did
break up the network of al-Qaeda training camps from which terrorists would
have gone on hitting the United States. But the fact is that Bush, Cheney
and Rumsfeld did not want to fight that war after September 11. Rumsfeld
sniffed that "there were no good targets" in Afghanistan. Bush, Rumsfeld and
Cheney all wanted to leave al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and attack Iraq first. At
first Wolfowitz was leaked as the proponent of this crazy idea, and although
he did back it, it is now clear from insider accounts like that of Richard
Clark that the three top leaders just mentioned wanted Iraq first.
The UK ambassador to the US maintains that it was Tony Blair who talked Bush
into going after al-Qaeda in Afghanistan first, with a promise that he would
later support an Iraq war. MI6 would have been briefing Tony about the dire
threat coming from Afghanistan, and he, unlike the Bush team, could see the
dangers of getting bogged down in an Iraq quagmire while al-Qaeda and the
Taliban were still in control of Afghanistan. (Can you imagine the full
scope of that disaster that Bush had planned for us?)
Even after Bush was dragged kicking and screaming into doing the right thing
by Blair, he did it half-heartedly. He let Bin Laden and al-Zawahir escape.
(I'll repeat that. He let Bin Laden and al-Zawahiri escape). Instead of
rebuilding and stabilizing Afghanistan, as he promised, he put almost
nothing into reconstruction for that country.
...So, no, Americans are not safer, Mr. Bush. They face the threat of
substantial narco-terrorism from Afghanistan. Iraq is a security nightmare
that could well blow back on the American homeland. Pakistan remains a
military dictatorship with a host of militant jihadi movements that had been
fomented by the hardline Pakistani military intelligence. Saudi Arabia is
witnessing increased al-Qaeda activity and attacks on Westerners. And the
Israeli-Palestine dispute is being left to fester and poison the world.
These are not achievements to be proud of. This is a string of disasters. We
are not safer. We face incredible danger because of the way the Bush
administration has grossly mishandled the Middle East.
(For more of
this extraordinary essay, you'll find it at
www.juancole.com
, July 14 listing .)
Bush, who doesn't like reading, sometimes pays the price for his had
habits. See this item at Corrente:
It's always the coverup that kills you, right? Only one day, and the
Republican CYA CIA strategy of blaming the Iraq WMD fiasco 100% on the CIA,
and 0% on Inerrant Boy is starting to fall apart: [Quotes from
New York
Times story, "Bush
and C.I.A. Won't Release Paper on Prewar Intelligence"]
The White House and the Central Intelligence Agency have refused to give
the Senate Intelligence Committee a one-page summary of prewar intelligence
in Iraq prepared for President Bush that contains few of the qualifiers and
none of the dissents spelled out in longer intelligence reviews, according
to Congressional officials.
So, they gave Him the black and white, "don't do nuance" view that they knew
He wanted to hear, right?
Senate Democrats claim that the document could help clear up exactly what
intelligence agencies told Mr. Bush about Iraq's illicit weapons. The
administration and the C.I.A. say the White House is protected by executive
privilege, and Republicans on the committee dismissed the Democrats'
argument that the summary was significant
They would. Gee, it's funny how everything that makes Bush look good is
disclosed, and everything that makes Him look like what He is is suppressed,
isn't it?
The review, prepared for President Bush in October 2002, summarized the
findings of a classified, 90-page National Intelligence Estimate about
Iraq's illicit weapons. Congressional officials said that notes taken by
Senate staffers who were permitted to review the document show that it
eliminated references to dissent within the government about the National
Intelligence Estimate's conclusions. (via Times)
Oh, and the "yet again" part?
Bush has a habit of making life-and-death decisions based on sloppy one-page
memos written by his fluffers.
As we wrote back in December:
Think! What about [current WhiteWash House Counsel and torture
apologist] Alberto Gonzales pimping 56 easy kills for Bush in Texas,
detailed in The Texas Clemency Memos? What
kind of a man [Bush] signs a death warrant on the basis of "the most cursory
briefings"?
It really is a question of character, isn't it? Fool me once....
Bob Dreyfuss at Tom Paine has some interesting thoughts on war intelligence:
This weekend I read Anonymous' new book, Imperial Hubris, which reminds us
to remember Afghanistan. It also helps put in perspective some of the news we're getting.
Today's New York Times reports that the final
report of the 9/11 commission, due out in a week or so, will put the final
nail in the nail-filled coffin about Iraq's nonexistent ties to Al Qaeda:
The commission investigating the 9/11 attacks is nearing completion of a
final, probably unanimous report that will stand by the conclusions of the
panel's staff and largely dismiss White House theories both about a close
working relationship between Iraq and Al Qaeda and about possible Iraqi
involvement in 9/11, commission officials said.
Okay, we've all known that. But for Mr. and Mrs. Man-in-Street, it's an
important punctuation mark, and it sets people thinking. (Actually, of
course, not only did Iraq not support Al Qaeda, it was probably the single
strongest Arab state opposed to Al Qaeda and to Islamic fundamentalism in
general. Pre-war Iraq was indeed, as Bush claimed, a "central front in the
War on Terror," not in precisely the opposite way that Bush meant. Pre-war
Iraq was a bulwark against Al Qaeda, bin Ladenism and Khomeinism. But no
more.)
Which brings me to Anonymous. His book makes the case, over and over again,
that the war in Afghanistan was an utter failure, that Al Qaeda and Osama
have regrouped, that Afghanistan itself will inevitably fall back under the
control of a Taliban-style regime backed by Pakistan and Islamic
fundamentalists, that pathetic President Karzai has little power and that
what remaining influence he does have will soon be gobbled up by fascist
militia from Afghanistan's countryside. It's a sobering read, in that it
comes from the CIA guy in charge of the Osama bin Laden task force....
Kevin Drum connects the U.K. dots, and then
places the responsibility for using the faulty intelligence where it belongs
-- at the top:
Over in London, Lord Butler has released yet another investigation of prewar
Iraq intelligence, and he comes to
the following conclusions:
* British intelligence reports were "seriously flawed."
* The 45-minute claim went to the "outer limits" of the available
intelligence — i.e., it was wrong.
* There was not, it turns out, even
enough evidence to justify claims that Iraq was in breach of United Nations
resolutions, let alone anything more.
* Tony Blair was one among several people who fooled the public into
thinking the evidence was considerably stronger than it really was.
But hey — that was all in the past! There was no "deliberate distortion,"
perish the thought, and neither Blair nor incoming intelligence chief John
Scarlett, who was responsible for much of the reporting, should be held
accountable. They've learned their lesson, right?
Sheesh!
Michael O'Hanlon, in the course of an op-ed suggesting that the CIA
didn't screw up quite as badly as the Senate Intelligence Committee says it
did, points out that, after all, before the war it sure looked like Saddam
was
hiding something:
Let's face it, it would have taken an overwhelming body of evidence for
any reasonable person in 2002 to think that Saddam Hussein did not possess
stockpiles of chemical and biological agents
....The United Nations and most European and Middle Eastern intelligence
outfits had the same incorrect beliefs as our agencies, for the same
understandable reasons. Saddam Hussein had used chemical weapons in war and
against his own people in the 1980's. For more than a decade after the
Persian Gulf war, he obstructed international inspectors' efforts to find
and destroy such weapons, ensuring that United Nations sanctions that cost
his country more than $100 billion would remain in place. He had his
underlings confront the inspectors on several occasions in ways that led to
military strikes against his security organizations. It certainly looked as
if he valued chemical and biological agents a great deal, and was prepared
to do a lot to hold onto them.
This may — or may not — get the CIA off the hook, but the drumbeat
repetition of this argument (mostly by war supporters) deliberately obscures
a far more important point: by the time we invaded Iraq none of this
mattered.
Remember, UN inspectors re-entered Iraq three months before the invasion and
found nothing there except a handful of missiles that violated UN limits by
a few miles. Saddam destroyed them.
The United States provided the inspectors with detailed intel on where to
find Iraq's WMD stockpiles. No dice: every single followup turned out to be
a wild goose chase.
Hans Blix's team searched everywhere, including Saddam's palaces. Nothing.
Before the invasion, France and several other countries made proposals for
even more intrusive inspections: thousand of inspectors backed up by
military units. George Bush turned them all down.
The fact is that by March 2003 we didn't have to rely on CIA estimates or on
the estimates of any other intelligence agency. We had been on the ground in
Iraq for months and there was nothing there. There was nothing there and
we knew it.
Did the CIA screw up? Probably. Did it matter? No. George Bush invaded Iraq
in March 2003 not because he was convinced Iraq had WMD, but because he was
becoming scared that Iraq didn't have WMD and that further inspections would
prove it beyond any doubt. Facts on the ground have never been allowed to
interfere with George Bush's worldview, and he wasn't about to take the
chance that they might interfere with his war.
Whatever faults the CIA has, let's not blame them for the war in Iraq. We
all know exactly whose mistake it was.
Finally, if you want to read something really sad, and disturbing, check out
Steve Gilliard's take on the embarrassing phone call
) Ralph Nader made to Salon about his GOP backers. Read the transcript and
Gilliard's annotated comments. A former hero of the left besmirches himself
royally. Pitiful.
Gilliard's summation:
This is a 70 year old man ranting like some hopped up high school junior
having just read the Communist Manifesto. No one is a fascist here, this
isn't a dictatorship, if it were, he'd be in jail or dead. Nader refuses to
abide by election laws and he's whining about them now. I mean he sounds
like a paranoid liar, and Talbot, who is not one of my favorite people, is
conciliatory, at worst. He's trying to reason with Nader and it just doesn't
get through. Nader is willfully blind to the effect his GOP "supporters" are
trying to have.
It's amazing Nader would say these unhinged things, but said them he did.
It's like seeing a mask revealed and it isn't pretty.
No one on the left wanted Nader to do this, to be so willfully
self-destructive and blind to the harm he's causing.
Once you read this, what choice do the Dems really have but to use the law
to crush his campaign? My God, I thought he was unsuited to be president
before, but now? He lies like Bush, for God's sake, and right in front of
you. What a truly scary and paranoid man.
July 13, 2004
How to Win an Election: Cancel It
One of the Bush Administration's favorite techniques is to scattershot its
awfulness. Each week, it seems, three or five or ten new policy atrocities
are trundled out and the Democrats have to scatter their energies just to
keep up with them. But every so often, Bush&Co. come up with a single policy
so monumentally abhorrent that it takes your breath away. Here is this
week's:
Rove and his minions have seen the handwriting on the wall, as their poll
numbers continue to slide downward: They may very well lose the upcoming
November election, perhaps by a landslide. What to do? How about postponing
the vote?
You think I jest? Take a look at this
Periscope piece,
"Election Day Worries," by Michael Isikoff in the latest, July 19th,
Newsweek:
American counterterrorism officials, citing what they call "alarming"
intelligence about a possible Qaeda strike inside the United States this
fall, are reviewing a proposal that could allow for the postponement of
the November presidential election in the event of such an attack,
Newsweek has learned.
The prospect that Al Qaeda might seek to disrupt the U.S. election was a
major factor behind last week's terror warning by Homeland Security
Secretary Tom Ridge. Ridge and other counterterrorism officials concede
they have no intel about any specific plots. But the success of March's
Madrid railway bombings in influencing the Spanish elections-as well as
intercepted "chatter" among Qaeda operatives-has led analysts to conclude
"they want to interfere with the elections," says one official.
As a result, sources tell Newsweek, Ridge's department last week asked the
Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel to analyze what legal steps
would be needed to permit the postponement of the election were an attack
to take place. Justice was specifically asked to review a recent letter to
Ridge from DeForest B. Soaries Jr., chairman of the newly created U.S.
Election Assistance Commission. Soaries noted that, while a primary
election in New York on September 11, 2001, was quickly suspended by that
state's Board of Elections after the attacks that morning, "the federal
government has no agency that has the statutory authority to cancel and
reschedule a federal election."
Soaries, a Bush appointee who two years ago was an unsuccessful GOP
candidate for Congress, wants Ridge to seek emergency legislation from
Congress empowering his agency to make such a call. Homeland officials say
that as drastic as such proposals sound, they are taking them
seriously-along with other possible contingency plans in the event of an
election-eve or Election Day attack. "We are reviewing the issue to
determine what steps need to be taken to secure the election," says Brian
Roehrkasse, a Homeland spokesman.
"Secure the election" indeed.
The key question is: Could they get away with it? Would the Democrats rise
up? Would the people rise up?
You'd think so, but, given the fright factor -- and the relentless pounding
on that drum by Bush&Co. and their mass-media corporate supporters -- you
never know. Certainly, even though this story has been out there for only a
few days, there hasn't been much objection heard from politicos or
organizations.
I'm with the sharp blogger Digby (see below), who writes:
Constitutionality aside, why would there be any need to do this? We
lived under the threat of nuclear war for decades --- real weapons of mass
destruction pointed at all of our major cities --- and nobody ever
contemplated suspending elections and devised no plans to do so. We have
held elections during every war, including the civil war, and didn't
contemplate suspending them in case of an attack.
This is absurd. Unless the terrorists are somehow able to prevent large
numbers of people from exercising their right to vote by bombing
individual polling places there can be absolutely no reason to postpone
this election.
Besides, if I recall correctly, the Bush administration made quite a case
a few years back that there should be no changing of the rules, even when
certain rules are contradictory, in election procedures. I remember that
deadlines, particularly, were sacrosanct. Indeed, the dates surrounding
election laws were seen as written in stone. Somehow, I have to believe
that if terrorists attack us around the election, Americans will crawl out
of the rubble on their hands and knees to vote. But then, that's obviously
what they're really afraid of, isn't it?
If Ridge (read: Rove) really tries to get a law passed to authorize such
electoral hanky-panky, I'd say the resolutions on impeachment shouldn't be
far behind.
THE SENATE INTELLIGENCE WHITEWASH
The report issued by the Senate Intelligence Committee, basically laying the
blame for bad pre-war intelligence on the CIA, may snow a lot of folks in
the heartland red states into believing that the White House is exonerated
for the lousy intel on Iraq that got us into war.
But anybody knowing anything about how the "pressure" game is played in
Washington will immediately smell a whitewash -- one in which the Democrats
permitted themselves to be ensnared. (They were told to sign this report,
and there would be another one on how the White House used, or misused, that
CIA intel. Problem is that report, if it comes at all, will arrive only
AFTER the November election.)
When the President and Vice President and Secretary of Defense and the
Assistant Secretaries of Defense have already made the decision to launch a
war againt Iraq, and request the intelligence to back up their decision, any
CIA analyst knows by the very nature of that reverse process what kind of
intelligence is being requested. So they went to work and produced a whole
lot of possibly useful intel, but had enough backbone under Tenet to include
a whole lot of caveats that indicated how tenuous the intelligence was on a
number of key issues: WMD, nuclear weapons, drone planes, al-Qaida link,
etc.
The White House took that caveated intelligence and -- after no doubt
running the CIA's findings to Rumsfeld's Office of Special Plans (staffed by
neo-con ideologues under the direction of Doug Feith) -- and, surprise,
dropped out all the caveats.
Now they could go to the Congress and the United Nations with all this
assertive "intelligence" and "prove" all sorts of nefarious intent and
weaponry on the part of the Iraqis.
Why Kerry won't bring himself to say what Democratic
Sen. Jay Rockefeller admitted the other day -- that, had he known then
what he knows now about the phony intelligence, he would not have voted for
the resolution authorizing Bush to go to war -- continues to astound me.
Senator Kerry: You didn't make a mistake; you were snookered, along with
your fellow senators, and are much the wiser now, wise enough to know you
wouldn't have voted for that damn resolution, based as it was on lies and
deceptions.
Kerry works slowly; maybe he'll come to his senses before November 2 -- but,
at the very least, after November 2.
Enough from me. Here are some cogent thoughts on the election-postponement
issue from fellow bloggers:
Kos asks some pertinent
questions:
So, what do we have here? Is this merely a perfectly reasonable contingency
plan, preparation for one possible course of action if, say, a purloined
nuke hidden in a ship container takes out a 2-mile radius at the Port of
Long Beach or Seattle on October 29?
Or is it a trial balloon for a Cheney-Bush plan to call off the November
election for purely political reasons?
Would a terrorist attack - even an extremely serious attack on four or five
widely dispersed targets - actually offer enough rationale for calling off
the elections?
Some people argue that such an attack so close to the elections might skew
the results, as they claim occurred in Spain after the 3/11 Madrid bombings.
Perhaps. But which way? Would Americans rally behind the incumbent out of
fear and a gut desire for unity after such an attack? Or would they be angry
because the attack proved that not enough and many of the wrong things had
been done to protect us against terrorism during the incumbent's term of
office?
Short of a full-out nuclear exchange of the sort much discussed during the
Cold War, do you think there is any justification for calling off national
elections?
Over at Corrente, we find
this:
Department of "No! They would never do that!" Postponing the November
election.
Funny how all that heavy sarcasm about "we're the government and we're here
to help you" melts away as soon as the Republicans start consolidating their
hold on power, isn't it?
From USA Today (funny how
Pravda on the Potomac and Isvestia
on the Hudson aren't following up on this):
Counterterrorism officials are looking into the possibility of
postponing the November presidential election if there is a terrorist
attack at election time, Newsweek reported Sunday.
Newsweek said DeForest Soaries, chairman of the U.S. Election Assistance
Commission, wants Ridge to ask Congress to pass legislation giving the
government power to cancel or reschedule a federal election. Soaries said
New York suspended primary elections on the day of the Sept. 11 attacks,
but the federal government does not appear to have that authority...
Seems to me, that in a democracy, we would want legislation to make sure
that elections were held no matter what. Since otherwise, the terrorists
have won, right? Wouldn't it be a shame if election 2000 turned out to be
our last free election, eh?
Digby razors right
in on the central issue:
Covering Their Bases
Tom Ridge wants John Ashcroft to look into the possibility of
postponing the
election in case of a terrorist attack. Considering that Ashcroft and
company have believed that the GWOT justifies everything from unlimited
detention to torture it's going to be very surprising if they don't back the
idea that doing so would be constitutional.
But constitutionality aside, why would there be any need to do this? We
lived under the threat of nuclear war for decades --- real weapons of mass
destruction pointed at all of our major cities --- and nobody ever
contemplated suspending elections and devised no plans to do so. We have
held elections during every war, including the civil war, and didn't
contemplate suspending them in case of an attack.
This is absurd. Unless the terrorists are somehow able to prevent large
numbers of people from exercising their right to vote by bombing individual
polling places there can be absolutely no reason to postpone this election.
Besides, if I recall correctly, the Bush administration made quite a case a
few years back that there should be no changing of the rules, even when
certain rules are contradictory, in election procedures. I remember that
deadlines, particularly, were sacrosanct. Indeed, the dates surrounding
election laws were seen as written in stone. Somehow, I have to believe that
if terrorists attack us around the election, Americans will crawl out of the
rubble on their hands and knees to vote. But then, that's obviously what
they're really afraid of, isn't it?
And Corrente again, from an
earlier post:
Will we have an election?
The folks over at
Seeing the
Forest... are
wondering aloud if we're even going to have an election in November.
John Emerson (aka Zizka) even goes so far as to
posit that, if we have one and Kerry wins, we won't get our new
president "on time."
Hmmm. If W and the boys are really far behind and the "a vote for
Kerry-Edwards is a vote for Osama" argument doesn't work, would they
postpone the election? Worse yet, having lost the election, would W and the
boys let Kerry and Edwards have the White House?
As a historian, this is an interesting thing to ponder. Even the
Federalists, despite their hatred of Jefferson, eventually let him have the
election and the White House in 1800. (If you recall, the lame duck
Federalist-controlled congress had to decide who won the election because
Burr and Jefferson got the same number of electoral votes.) Many in the
world were quite surprised that there was a peaceful handover of the White
House in 1800....
As for my current opinion on the question, I'll put it this way: having
watched W and his administration reach unparalleled levels of public
mendacity for nearly four years now, there really isn't a damn thing that I
put past these guys.
July 9, 2004
Edwards to Lay to Rove: Connect the Dots
Let's take a look at the three big stories of the week: John Edwards joins
the ticket, Ken Lay gets busted, Karl Rove orders a major Al Qaida arrest to
coincide with the Democratic Convention, if possible, but definitely before
Election Day.
And, of course, as in most matters political, all three of those stories are
inter-related.
KERRY EXPANDS THE CENTER
The news behind Edwards ascension to the ticket, and why it took so long for
Kerry to make the obvious choice, is that the Kerry campaign had to see if
BushCheney were imploding on their own, or whether he'd have to jog
considerably to the right in his Veep choice.
During the months when Kerry was vetting the contenders, Iraq went from
worse to disastrous, the torture scandals revealed so gross an overreaching
into legislative and judicial prerogatives that even the U.S. Supreme Court
slapped them down, the job figures weren't rising fast enough, Bush was
questioned for 70 minutes by the prosecutor in the Plame, spy-outing case --
in short, Kerry could look around and see that BushCheney were in big
trouble and weren't going to find an easy way to climb out.
So, he went with Edwards, who brings few negatives and a lot of positives,
to the campaign. The biggest negative is his lack of foreign policy
experience, but Bush had zip when he ran in 2000, and that was for the
presidency, not the vice presidential job. (See Juan Cole's take on this
non-issue below.)
In sum, Kerry can expand his run from the center-right to the liberal left,
instead of having to stick too close to the center-right and risk losing a
vital share of his liberal/progressive base by doing so. And Edwards will
help bring in the few remaining independents who haven't made up their
minds.
KENNY WHO?
The indictment of Ken Lay (the close family friend, and major contributor to
Bush's political career from his Texas days up to and including the 2000
race) helps Bush in some ways, and harms him in others. (Bush, of course, is
still pretending he
doesn't have a relationship with "that man.")
Lay's arrest helps in shifting the focus away from the bad Iraq and
electoral news; now the press can hype the Lay/Enron brouhaha, and downplay
the more meaningful stories. But by putting Lay front and center, the old
relationship between Kenny-Boy and Georgie-Boy will generate lots of stories
about Lay's enormous influence over Bush Administration energy policy,
remind folks of the accounting and other corporate scandals that occurred on
Bush's watch, and add more fuel to the interest in finding out how closely
Lay was involved in Cheney's secret energy-policy meetings and in the
creation of that policy.
One can guess that Lay will keep his mouth shut about his BushCheney ties
and what he knows of the inner workings of U.S. energy policy, and gamble
that the prosecution will blow the case in the courts. If the worst happens
and he's convicted on some counts, Lay probably figures he can rely on a
presidential pardon somewhere down the line.
ROVE DIPS INTO THE OPTIONS BAG
Karl Rove, the power behind the Bush throne, is cranking up the
get-the-Democrats machine big time. The character-assassination and negative
campaigning has begun, but, given his candidate's slide in the polls, the
deteriorating situation in Iraq, the various torture/Plame and other
scandals erupting, the revelations in "Fahrenheit 9/11," etc., Rove knows
he's got to come up with something really big to regain the momentum.
1. To cover its butt and heighten the fright factor in the population, he
Administration is already preparing the public for a massive
Al Qaida attack within the next four months. No doubt, it's
already devising plans for how to take advantage of that terrorism if and
when it occurs, a la the original 9/11 terrorism (even though last time,
they knew a major attack was coming and didn't warn the citizenry, or anyone
else for that matter.)
2. There's always the option of initiating another war somewhere, or at
least the threat of such, maybe against Cuba or Syria or Iran --
anticipating a the rally-'round-the-President effect. But there's no
guarantee the military would go along without an enormous internal struggle
that no doubt would leak to the public; and there's no certainty that the
American public would buy another war just before the election.
3. The best, and least-politically costly, alternative would be to capture
Osama bin Laden or other top al-Qaida/Taliban leaders, and thus demonstrate
how effective the Bush Administration is on waging the "war on terror." (Of
course, they could have gone after Osama full-time during the past two-plus
years when they were obsessed with invading Iraq, but better late than
never.)
To that end, the U.S. more or less has commanded the Pakistani government to
launch a major offensive in the mountainous zone on the Pakistan/Afghanistan
border where Osama and his lieutenants are thought to be hiding. Here are
the key quotes from the dynamite story in
The New
Republic by respected journalists John Judis and Spencer Ackerman, with
Pakistani reporter Massoud Ansari:
BRING ME THE HEAD OF OSAMA BIN LADEN
"This public pressure would be appropriate, even laudable, had it not been
accompanied by an unseemly private insistence that the Pakistanis deliver
these high-value targets (HVTs) before Americans go to the polls in
November. The Bush administration denies it has geared the war on terrorism
to the electoral calendar. 'Our attitude and actions have been the same
since September 11 in terms of getting high-value targets off the street,
and that doesn't change because of an election,' says National Security
Council spokesman Sean McCormack. But The New Republic has learned that
Pakistani security officials have been told they must produce HVTs by the
election."
"...According to this ISI [Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence] official,
a White House aide told ul-Haq [ISI's director] last spring that 'it would
be best if the arrest or killing of [any] HVT were announced on twenty-six,
twenty-seven, or twenty-eight July' -- the first three days of the
Democratic National Convention in Boston."
Can politics get more crass and under-the-rocks slimy than this? The Bush
Administration had nearly three years to get these guys -- instead they were
mostly preparing for and then going off on their cockamamie invasion of
Iraq, a country that was incapable of threatening or attacking anybody,
certainly not the U.S. -- and now they want to have the bad guys served up
on a platter to detract from, and they hope destroy, the Democratic
campaign.
Shameful! But not all that surprising. As many of us have said many times,
these guys will do just about ANYTHING to stay in power.
Note: If you're interested in having some fun with the Lay-Bush
relationship, you might like these two older satires of mine: "Inside Bush's
Diary:
Bobbin' and Weavin' Over Enron" (January 29, 2002), and, also from
democraticunderground.com,
"Confidential Memo from Kenny Boy to Georgie Boy: 'Welcome to the Club!'"
(May 24, 2002).
Now on to further thoughts on some of these matters by a number of fellow
bloggers:
Some interesting little items over at
Atrios
Still Holding at Level Big Bird
Posted by Tena
Can someone tell me, please, what Tom Ridge actually does?
BBC News is
reporting that Ridge has warned that there have been "credible reports" that
Al Qaeda is planning to try to undermine the November 2 election by staging
an attack. But Ridge said that the U.S. has no plans to raise the alert
level.
Then why bother to tell anyone about the so-called "credible reports" that
there is going to be an attack? What the hell is the Department of Homeland
Security trying to do?
Today on Holden's Obsession with the Gaggle
Posted by Holden
Dang, I wish I could get my mitts on a transcript of Chimpy's little
dust-up, but all I have is
Scottie [Press Secretary Scott McClellan].
Still, there were some interesting Lay-related questions:
Q But this particular alleged corporate wrongdoer was a personal friend
of the President's, who the President addressed as "Kenny, boy," who
raised a lot of money for the President in the 2000 election cycle, who
offered corporate jets to the President for travel in Texas. He did know
him well. Does he --
MR. McCLELLAN: Well, you seem to want to be fairly selective there,
because let me point out that he was someone who supported Democrats and
Republicans, alike, including the President, as you pointed out.
Q Well, is that all the President had to say?
MR. McCLELLAN: That's how I would describe the relationship, and I think
it's an accurate way to describe the relationship.
Q Does President Bush consider Ken Lay a personal friend? And did the
White House have any communication with the Justice Department leading up
to the indictment?
MR. McCLELLAN: No. This is a Justice Department matter, and we expect the
Justice Department to do their job when it comes to cracking down on
corporate wrongdoing. In terms of the question you asked about Mr. Lay,
the President has already addressed that, and he described it the way I
did, as well.
And what about Lay's role in Cheney's Energy Task Force? The questions say
it all:
Q Scott, could you say whether Ken Lay had any input into formulation of a
Bush energy policy?...
MR. McCLELLAN: Yes, I realize that. But wouldn't it be -- given the
indictment now, wouldn't it be in the interest of assuring the public of
the integrity of the process by which you came to the formulation of the
policy -- ...
Q Yes, I realize that, Scott. But wouldn't it be politically appropriate
to at least indicate what advice, if any, Mr. Lay had given, given that
--...
Juan Cole takes up the Edwards'
"lack of experience" issue:
George W. Bush alleged Thursday that John Edwards lacks the experience
necessary to be president.
The problem with this argument is that Bush lacked the experience necessary
to be president when he ran in 2000, so this sort of cheap shot just hoists
him by his own petard. Let's just remember a seminal Bush moment in 1999:
' Bush fails reporter's pop quiz on international leaders
November 5, 1999
Web posted at: 3:29 p.m. EST (2029 GMT)
WASHINGTON (CNN) -- Texas Gov. George W. Bush is enduring sharp
criticism for being unable to name the leaders of four current world hot
spots, but President Bill Clinton says Bush "should, and probably will,
pick up" those names.
The front-runner for the 2000 Republican presidential nomination faltered
Thursday in an international affairs pop quiz posed by Andy Hiller, a
political reporter for WHDH-TV in Boston.
Hiller asked Bush to name the leaders of Chechnya, Taiwan, India and
Pakistan. Bush was only able to give a partial response to the query on
the leader of Taiwan, referring to Taiwanese President Lee Teng-hui simply
as "Lee." He could not name the others.
"Can you name the general who is in charge of Pakistan?" Hiller asked,
inquiring about Gen. Pervaiz Musharraf, who seized control of the country
October 12.
"Wait, wait, is this 50 questions?" asked Bush.
Hiller replied: "No, it's four questions of four leaders in four hot
spots." . . .
Bush, in answering the question about the leader of Pakistan, also said:
"The new Pakistani general, he's just been elected -- not elected, this
guy took over office. It appears this guy is going to bring stability to
the country and I think that's good news for the subcontinent."
Gore released a statement Friday taking Bush to task for his comments on
Pakistan's recent coup.
"I find it troubling that a candidate for president in our country -- the
world's oldest democracy -- would characterize the military takeover as
"good news," Gore said. "Further, I find it even more disturbing that he
made these comments about a nation that just last year tested nuclear
weapons -- shortly after voicing his public opposition to the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
A spokesman for President Clinton also criticized Bush's comments.
"It is very dangerous for this country to condone the overthrow of
democratically elected governments," said David Leavy, spokesman for the
National Security Council.
Not only did Bush not know who General Pervez Musharraf was, he seems to
have confused coup-making with "taking office," and moreover went on to
suggest that the overthrow of an elected prime minister and the installation
in power of the Pakistan military, then the world's strongest supporter of
the Taliban, would bring "stability!" Musharraf made his coup in part
because of the military's anger over Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's
willingness to back down from confronting India over Kashmir, so that he
explicitly came to power as a warmonger.
I can't tell you how ominous I found Bush's performance in that interview. I
still remember him stuttering about "the General," unable to remember
Musharraf's name. He obviously had no idea what he was talking about, though
he demonstrated a number of ill-fated instincts. He obviously liked
authoritarian rule better than democracy, equating dictatorship with
"stability." And, he didn't think he needed to know anything about South
Asia, with its nuclear giants and radical religious politics--the latter a
dire security threat to the US. He couldn't tell when things were becoming
more unstable as opposed to less. Musharraf went on to play nuclear
brinkmanship with India in 2002, risking war twice that year. Although
Musharraf did turn against the Taliban after September 11, under extreme
duress from the US, elements of his military continued to support radical
Islamism and have recently been implicated in assassination attempts on
Musharraf himself. This was the body that Bush proclaimed was bringing
"stability" to the region in fall of 1999.
So, one answer to Bush's charge about Edwards is that if it had any merit,
Bush should have declined to run himself.
Another answer is that Edwards certainly knows far more about foreign
affairs now than Bush did then. Indeed, given how Bush has rampaged around
the world alienating allies and ignoring vital conflicts with the potential
to blow back on the US, one might well argue that Edwards knows more now
than Bush does.
This is what Edwards' campaign literature said about his positions: "Edwards
believes that the U.S. must be an active leader to help resolve conflicts,
from reducing tensions between India and Pakistan to the peace process in
Northern Ireland. Edwards is a strong supporter of Israel, and believes that
the U.S. has a vital role in promoting peace between the Israelis and the
Palestinians."
I don't see Bush doing any of this.
Interesting postings at Corrente:
Looking Out for #1
Tucked away in Spencer Ackerman and John Judis' article on the
Administration enlisting the Pakistani military in its re-election campaign
hunt for al-Qaida leaders, there is this little nugget:
The Bush administration has matched this public and private pressure
with enticements and implicit threats. ...[Colin] Powell pointedly refused
to criticize Musharraf for pardoning nuclear physicist A.Q. Khan--who, the
previous month, had admitted exporting nuclear secrets to Iran, North
Korea, and Libya--declaring Khan's transgressions an "internal" Pakistani
issue.
So, for those keeping score: first Bush let al-Qaida's leadership escape
from Tora Bora rather than divert military assets from attacking Iraq,
then spared Abu Musab Zarqawi so we could falsely link Saddam to al-Qaida
as a pretext for attacking Iraq, and gives a pass to a country that
actively participates in the market for nuclear terrorism so we can catch
the al-Qaida leadership we let get away 2 1/2 years ago. Meanwhile New
Yorkers and Californians get the least homeland security funding per
capita, Montanans the most.
Maybe someone with experience in NCAA playoffs could help, but from where
I sit the rankings going into the Self-Preservation Semifinals seem to be
something like this:
1. Bush and cronies
2. Rogue nuclear states
3. al-Qaida
4. US citizens
(5. Saddam)
So this is what they meant by "moral clarity."
Options for Kenny Boy: How about a tell-all book? Say, about how Enron
stole billions from California?
Certainly one way to pay off the lawyers! And the book practically writes
itself, doesn't it? Robert Bryce lifts up the Enron rock in Salon and finds
all kinds of crawly, squirmy things:
>>Lay could dish the dirt on several important topics: the [1] Karl
Rove-brokered push that resulted in Enron paying Christian conservative
turned super-lobbyist Ralph Reed $300,000; [2] Lay's dealings with
secretary of state turned super-lobbyist James Baker; [3] why Enron hired
Ed Gillespie, the man who now heads the Republican National Committee; [4]
the reason for Lay's decision to allow the Bushes to use Enron's fleet of
airplanes as their own; [5] what happened in those meetings with Dick
Cheney and his energy task force; and [6] what really happened with the
California energy crisis. (via
Salon)
Of course, Lay would have to ask fast; the book would need to hit the
stands by, say, late October.... Anyhow, Bryce picks [6] as the hot topic:
The phony California energy "crisis" scam:
Or better still, what might Lay tell us about the California energy
crisis? Some may recall that Lay had a private meeting with Cheney on
April 17, 2001, to talk about the [California] energy markets, which were
reeling from skyrocketing power prices. During the meeting, Lay told
Cheney that the federal government should not impose any restrictions on
the markets. His memo to Cheney said that "the administration should
reject any attempt to re-regulate wholesale power markets by adopting
price caps." Even temporary price restrictions, the memo argued, "will be
detrimental to power markets and will discourage private investment."
Cheney immediately began parroting Lay's argument. The day after the
meeting, Cheney mocked the idea of price caps during an interview with a
reporter from the Los Angeles Times, saying caps would provide only
"short-term political relief for the politicians." He also said they would
discourage investment, a matter Cheney called "the basic fundamental
problem."
Today we know [and Paul Krugman wrote at the time—Lambert] that one of
the fundamental problems with the California energy crisis was that traders
from Enron and other energy companies were manipulating power prices at
their whim -- and that they liked to joke about how they were taking money
from those "poor grandmothers in California." Lay could tell us when he
first learned that his traders were making huge profits by scamming
California's gas and electricity markets.
Oh, and those thieving traders? Faithful Republicans, every single one.
Let's watch Republican values in action. From the trading transcripts:
On the calls, traders openly and gleefully discussed creating
congestion on transmission lines, taking generating units offline to pump
up electricity prices and overall manipulation of the California power
market.
They also kidded about Enron's hefty political contributions --
particularly to Bush's 2000 presidential campaign -- and how that could
translate into more opportunity for profit in California.
"I'd love to see Ken Lay be secretary of energy," one trader said,
referring to the now-disgraced former Enron chief executive whose ties to
the Bush administration have drawn criticism from Democrats.
In one transcript, a trader asks about "all the money you guys stole from
those poor grandmothers of California."
To which the Enron trader responds, "Yeah, Grandma Millie, man. But she's
the one who couldn't figure out how to (expletive) vote on the butterfly
ballot." (AP via the
Seattle Post Intelligencer)
Funny ha-ha, eh?
July 6, 2004
Good Signs in Smalltown America
On the road again. Here in the San Geronimo Valley in West Marin (with San
Francisco a long drive away), one feels swept up into small-town Americana,
anchored to tradition, but, in the face of 21st-century realities, open to
new ways of looking at the world.
We witnessed two 4th of July parades Sunday, in separate small communities,
and both were considerably different from those of years' past. Those
previous parades were like dipping into a Norman Rockwell world of America
as it once was, when celebrating the country's birth never varied:
red-white-and-blue flags and bunting everywhere, fire engines, police cars
and horses, local politicos waving, families and small businesses creating
floats, flatbed trucks with musicians playing patriotic songs, kids on
bicycles festooned with ribbons, paens to war and duty.
But this year was different. In both smalltown parades, it was a pleasant
surprise to see and hear that there were contingents of neighbors and
friends with signs denouncing Bush and the way he got us into war in Iraq
and the bumbling way he's handled the situation since then. There also were
young people working the large crowds, registering new voters for the
upcoming November election.
The antiwar message was not flamboyant and insulting, and was by no means
the majority point of view, but just the fact that those protesters were
part of the festivities gave hope that our flag was still there, besmirched
though it may be by our leaders. Such action is the best demonstration of
our country's heritage -- speaking out as citizens of a free land created by
our own hands and courage.
THE FIRST KING GEORGE
Let us not forget, after all, how our country came to be. A king named
George was behaving irrationally and vindictively toward England's colonists
in America, and responded with violence and increased burdensome taxes when
the colonists complained of their treatment. Many of the American colonists
didn't appreciate their money and young men being taken to fight on behalf
of England's desire for empire. They petitioned, and complained, and
agitated, but King George -- stubborn and not too bright, maybe even a bit
mad -- would have none of it. He poured it on the colonists.
Eventually, they'd had enough and in 1776 drafted and made public the
Declaration of Independence, one of the most extraordinary documents ever
created in the history of government, written by some of the most
intelligent and bravest men who ever lived. In no uncertain terms, and at
great personal risk of their lives, they laid out their bill of particulars
against George's tyrannical rule, and the War for Independence began.
In the main, the Declaration and the later Constitution with the Bill of
Rights attached were quite clear in what they didn't want -- the kinds of
oppressive actions George and other European leaders visited upon them in
the past -- and were equally clear what it was they did want in the way of
government.
What they didn't want was government running roughshod over their lives. And
so they did away with their relationship to the king, and established a
system of rule that made it very difficult for governments to do anything.
In short, they put all sorts of checks-and-balances roadblocks in front of
their rulers, and factions, to prevent tyranny from ever raising its head
again.
They made sure to separate government from religion, so that the state could
never intrude on their individual belief systems. They built in a protection
of their right of privacy (although they never used that word, "privacy,"
which, in those days, referred to toilet matters) against a snooping
government. They made sure that those suspected of offenses had legal
weapons to protect themselves against government control. In short, they
were damn tired of oppressive government and they didn't want to have to go
to war against one again.
And, in their genius, lo and behold, the system worked, and, if left alone,
continues to work 228 years after the Declaration.
KING GEORGE THE LATTER
But something has happened since the beginning of the reign of our latest
George and the tight circle around him: they have hijacked the government
and moved it toward extremist behaviors, have given short shrift to the
Constitution and Bill of Rights, engaged in war adventures abroad (using a
mercenary army, and outside "contractors"), endangered our relations and
long-term national interests in the world, ruined our economy, laid
burdensome debt onto our children's future, carried out policies that have
stimulated the growth of terrorism, wrecked our moral stature at home and
abroad (and approving torture is just the tip of the iceberg), increased the
pollution of the air we breathe and the water we drink by letting the
polluters write the environmental and energy rules, cut public services to
the poor and middle-class while handing out favors to the already-wealthy,
and on and on.
In short, we've got a stubborn king -- one who has, on at least three
occasions, jokingly affirmed that he would like to be a dictator. He and his
extremist handlers are ruining our country, and the institutions that have
served us so well for more than two-and-a-quarter centuries.
When in the course of human events it becomes necessary to free ourselves
from this ruinous behavior at the hands of a would-be despot, and his
authoritarian-minded friends, we must consider seriously how to extricate
ourselves from this sad state of affairs.
Impeachment, resignation from office, being forced from power as a result of
a fair and honest election -- these are our legal remedies. For the moment,
we will leave unsaid the extralegal. Using hope and energy as our fuel, we
will drive these greedy, mean-spirited ideologues from the halls of power.
On this 4th of July weekend, we thank you, Paine and Jefferson and Madison
and all the rest of the patriots that provided us with our institutions of
hope.
Along those lines, blogger
Steve Gilliard has selected these quotes from Tom Paine, the
intellectual patron-saint of The Crisis Papers (our very name is
taken from Paine's writings). Read them and weep at where the current
administration has taken our country:
A few words from Thomas Paine. While other founding fathers usually get the
attention on the 4th of July, it was Paine and his pen which launched the
break with England. There would have been no Declaration of Independence
without his words and his ideas. Thomas Paine was the most revolutionary of
the revolutionaries. He wasn't a titled man, or a man of property, like
those who signed the Declaration. But it was his ideas which launched the
United States.
These are selections from...the first and last American Crisis. While
publishing the American Crisis, Paine served as a soldier in the Continental
Army as well during this time. Paine was not an easy man to deal with but
his ideas made America. He saw a future where individuals had rights and
didn't need kings. Which isn't bad for a tax collector who was on the run
from England.
The first American Crisis was read to the Continental Army before the battle
of Trenton, which Paine fought in. It is one of the few documents in
American history which can be quoted by people from memory. His words, and
his ideas are among the most important ever produced by an American and his
legacy is one of the finest that the US has ever produced...
THE CRISIS
December 23, 1776
THESE are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the
sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their
country; but he that stands by it now, deserves the love and thanks of man
and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this
consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the
triumph. What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: it is dearness
only that gives every thing its value. Heaven knows how to put a proper
price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial an
article as FREEDOM should not be highly rated.
Britain, with an army to enforce her tyranny, has declared that she has a
right (not only to TAX) but "to BIND us in ALL CASES WHATSOEVER" and if
being bound in that manner, is not slavery, then is there not such a thing
as slavery upon earth. Even the expression is impious; for so unlimited a
power can belong only to God. Whether the independence of the continent was declared too soon, or
delayed too long, I will not now enter into as an argument; my own simple
opinion is, that had it been eight months earlier, it would have been much
better. We did not make a proper use of last winter, neither could we,
while we were in a dependent state. However, the fault, if it were one,
was all our own; we have none to blame but ourselves. But no great deal is
lost yet. All that Howe has been doing for this month past, is rather a
ravage than a conquest, which the spirit of the Jerseys, a year ago, would
have quickly repulsed, and which time and a little resolution will soon
recover.
I have as little superstition in me as any man living, but my secret
opinion has ever been, and still is, that God Almighty will not give up a
people to military destruction, or leave them unsupportedly to perish, who
have so earnestly and so repeatedly sought to avoid the calamities of war,
by every decent method which wisdom could invent. Neither have I so much
of the infidel in me, as to suppose that He has relinquished the
government of the world, and given us up to the care of devils; and as I
do not, I cannot see on what grounds the king of Britain can look up to
heaven for help against us: a common murderer, a highwayman, or a
house-breaker, has as good a pretence as he.
The Crisis:
Philadelphia, April 19, 1783
THOUGHTS ON THE PEACE, AND THE PROBABLE ADVANTAGES THEREOF.
THESE are times that tried men's souls, and they are over -- and the
greatest and completest revolution the world ever knew, gloriously and
happily accomplished. But to pass from the extremes of danger to safety --
from the tumult of war to the tranquility of peace, though sweet in
contemplation, requires a gradual composure of the senses to receive it.
Even calmness has the power of stunning, when it opens too instantly upon
us. The long and raging hurricane that should cease in a moment, would
leave us in a state rather of wonder than enjoyment; and some moments of
recollection must pass, before we could be capable of tasting the felicity
of repose. There are but few instances, in which the mind is fitted for
sudden transitions: it takes in its pleasures by reflection and comparison
and those must have time to act, before the relish for new scenes is
complete.
In the present case -- the mighty magnitude of the object -- the various
uncertainties of fate it has undergone -- the numerous and complicated
dangers we have suffered or escaped -- the eminence we now stand on, and
the vast prospect before us, must all conspire to impress us with
contemplation.
To see it in our power to make a world happy -- to teach mankind the art
of being so- to exhibit, on the theatre of the universe a character
hitherto unknown -- and to have, as it were, a new creation entrusted to
our hands, are honors that command reflection, and can neither be too
highly estimated, nor too gratefully received.
In this pause then of recollection -- while the storm is ceasing, and the
long agitated mind vibrating to a rest, let us look back on the scenes we
have passed, and learn from experience what is yet to be done.
Never, I say, had a country so many openings to happiness as this. Her
setting out in life, like the rising of a fair morning, was unclouded and
promising. Her cause was good. Her principles just and liberal. Her temper
serene and firm. Her conduct regulated by the nicest steps, and everything
about her wore the mark of honor. It is not every country (perhaps there
is not another in the world) that can boast so fair an origin. Even the
first settlement of America corresponds with the character of the
revolution. Rome, once the proud mistress of the universe, was originally
a band of ruffians. Plunder and rapine made her rich, and her oppression
of millions made her great. But America need never be ashamed to tell her
birth, nor relate the stages by which she rose to empire.
The remembrance, then, of what is past, if it operates rightly, must
inspire her with the most laudable of all ambition, that of adding to the
fair fame she began with. The world has seen her great in adversity;
struggling, without a thought of yielding, beneath accumulated
difficulties, bravely, nay proudly, encountering distress, and rising in
resolution as the storm increased. All this is justly due to her, for her
fortitude has merited the character. Let, then, the world see that she can
bear prosperity: and that her honest virtue in time of peace, is equal to
the bravest virtue in time of war.
She is now descending to the scenes of quiet and domestic life. Not
beneath the cypress shade of disappointment, but to enjoy in her own land,
and under her own vine, the sweet of her labors, and the reward of her
toil. -- In this situation, may she never forget that a fair national
reputation is of as much importance as independence. That it possesses a
charm that wins upon the world, and makes even enemies civil. That it
gives a dignity which is often superior to power, and commands reverence
where pomp and splendor fail.
It would be a circumstance ever to be lamented and never to be forgotten,
were a single blot, from any cause whatever, suffered to fall on a
revolution, which to the end of time must be an honor to the age that
accomplished it: and which has contributed more to enlighten the world,
and diffuse a spirit of freedom and liberality among mankind, than any
human event (if this may be called one) that ever preceded it.
It is not among the least of the calamities of a long continued war, that
it unhinges the mind from those nice sensations which at other times
appear so amiable. The continual spectacle of woe blunts the finer
feelings, and the necessity of bearing with the sight, renders it
familiar. In like manner, are many of the moral obligations of society
weakened, till the custom of acting by necessity becomes an apology, where
it is truly a crime. Yet let but a nation conceive rightly of its
character, and it will be chastely just in protecting it. None ever began
with a fairer than America and none can be under a greater obligation to
preserve it.
The debt which America has contracted, compared with the cause she has
gained, and the advantages to flow from it, ought scarcely to be
mentioned. She has it in her choice to do, and to live as happily as she
pleases. The world is in her hands. She has no foreign power to monopolize
her commerce, perplex her legislation, or control her prosperity. The
struggle is over, which must one day have happened, and, perhaps, never
could have happened at a better time. And instead of a domineering master,
she has gained an ally whose exemplary greatness, and universal
liberality, have extorted a confession even from her enemies.
July 2, 2004
There's a New Yorker cartoon that's been hanging over my desk for years now.
It shows two bearded gurus sitting in lotus-position on top the great
mountain. One guru leans over and says: "Sometimes I think we know too much
for our own damn good."
That's the way I felt the other night when I saw "Fahrenheit 9/11." Like a
good many readers of this blog, I was acquainted with virtually all the
points being made by Michael Moore in his film. And yet, even though we
politically-aware viewers know "too much for our own damn good," it's still
hard not to be moved and angered by the movie's revelations.
Since Moore is being bashed by rightwing commentators because the film isn't
a traditional "documentary," it's imporant to note that "F-9/11" doesn't
even pretend to be an objective documentary. It's clear from the opening
narration that this is one man's highly idiosyncratic, subjective take on
Bush and the reckless, deadly policies he's led the country into.
This is true free-speech moviemaking -- and, in a sense, is a perfect
example of traditional Republican values of entrepreneurship: A guy with
something to say figures out a clever way of saying it -- and, most
importantly, marketing it -- and makes a lot of money doing so.
Moore couldn't be happier that the rightwing is denouncing his film, thus
guaranteeing full houses everywhere. Already, the Cannes Film Festival
first-prize winner has moved into the rarefied list of all-time box-office
successes, and may well influence the presidential election -- which, of
course, is the filmmaker's goal.
THE EMOTIONAL IMPACT
The film contains a lot of facts (maybe too many, actually), and those
coming to these issues for the first time will receive a wide-ranging,
wake-up-call education. But the movie's cumulative effect lies less in the
details and more in its overall emotional impact.
In this regard, how Moore utilizes the story-within-the-story of Lila
Lipscombe is at the heart of the film's success. When we first meet
Lipscombe two-thirds of the way through the film, the impression we get is
of a self-described "conservative Democrat" housewife and mother who was
proud to encourage her daughter to join the military and fight in the first
Gulf War, and her son to sign up and fight in the current Iraq war. She
comes from a long military family and is a gung-ho patriot.
Like so many lower-middle class parents, she and her husband saw the
military as an honorable and effective way to climb the ladder of success --
a sentiment the military counts on for recruiting purposes that target 18-
and 19-year-old kids from the economically-depressed rural areas and the
inner cities.
Lipscombe's daughter served honorably in the Gulf War and returned in one
piece. Her son died in the Iraq desert, when his helicoper crashed after
taking fire.
We watch this agonizing mother try to deal with the reality of that grief,
and with her own anger -- at herself, for urging her son to enlist, and at
the political system that sent him there for suspect reasons. As she
approaches the outside of the White House, to express her rage and hurt and
anger, and nearly falls to the earth crying out for her lost son, there
isn't a dry eye in the house.
Typically, a Republican operative, patrolling the outskirts of the White
House, denounces her as a staged plant -- presumably to make Bush look bad
-- but then, when she comes face to face with the exploding heart of
Lipscombe lamenting the loss of her very real, dead son, the Bushie doesn't
quite know how to respond.
These later scenes with Lipscombe are among the most powerful moments in a
most powerful film, one where Moore wisely chose to keep his mouth shut and
simply keep the camera running.
BUSH AND THE GOAT STORY
The honest grief and the anger welling from the center of Lipscombe's being
are testaments to truths unfolded by Moore earlier in the film: the various
oil-related scandals involving Bush (and often the bin Laden family), Bush's
kowtowing to the corporate interests that have backed him and groomed him
all his life, the endless lies Bush&Co. used to manipulate the Congress and
the American people into a war-of-choice against Iraq, Bush's mythologizing
the American soldier in the field and then the cheap, humiliating treatment
they receive when they come back home wounded, and on and on.
Bush comes off, as he's supposed to, as a pampered elitist child, unfamiliar
with how ordinary people live; totally over his head in the presidency (the
footage of Bush on 9/11 listening to pupils read about a goat for seven
agonizingly long minutes, devoid of advisors to tell him what to do, is
devastating); a willing tool of corporate and religious forces that have
their own agendas that are not always in America's best interests.
The film has many faults and flaws -- not the least of which is spending too
much time on the Saudis, with nary a mention of Israeli-Palestinian issues
that inflame the Middle East and help drive U.S. foreign policy -- but it's
a must-see: a brilliantly edited (and often quite satirical) political
pilloring of a leader. The film reminds us of our duties as citizens to
correct this awful ituation, by driving the extremist Bush crowd from the
reins of power.
Enough from me. As you enjoy your 4th of July picnics and parades on Sunday
-- celebrating the brave men and women who birthed our nation more than two
centuries ago -- reflect on how far we've come from a period in American
history when patriots were willing to fight and die for the right to
criticize their ruler, and to overthrow the police-state system established
by King George when his authoritarian misdeeds no longer could be tolerated.
Read the bloggers below for instances that will help remind us how far we've
come from those days.
Josh Marshall has a few
such ethical and democratic lapses worth considering: ..Everyone is
waiting with frenzied expectation to see what's going to be contained in
that soon-to-be-released Senate Select Committee on Intelligence report on
Iraq intelligence failures.
Here's one thing I suspect
we'll hear about.
Remember those aluminum tubes?
Those were the tubes imported by Iraq which were so precisely and finely
manufactured that they could only have been intended for use in gas
centrifuges to enrich uranium. That was the story at least -- the tubes that
launched a thousand ships in the tragicomic Dubyiad.
There were always doubters, of course. And some rather important ones,
particularly the experts at the Department of the Energy -- the folks in the
US government who actually have real experience in enriching uranium and
making nuclear weapons, a rather potent credential.
They didn't think the aluminum tubes were for nukes.
Yet that seemingly qualified verdict was overruled by contending voices at
the CIA, particularly one analyst who took up the tubes case aggressively.
As
David Albright wrote in March 2003, "For over a year and a half, an
analyst at the CIA has been pushing the aluminum tube story, despite
consistent disagreement by a wide range of experts in the United States and
abroad. His opinion, however, obtained traction in the summer of 2002 with
senior members of the Bush Administration, including the President."
In any case, who did the actual technical analysis of the tubes for the CIA?
apparently they hired an outside consultant/contractor -- given the US
government's expertise in the production of nuclear weapons, a rather
dubious instance of outsourcing. And that contractor came back with the
thumbs up on the nuclear verdict.
But the thumb, it seems, didn't start out up. It needed help.
Apparently, the first time they came back with their judgment it was either
ambiguous or negative on whether these tubes seemed likely to be destined
for an Iraqi nuclear program.
Only that wasn't the answer the tube-master at the CIA wanted. And they were
told so in no uncertain terms.
Getting the thumbs-up apparently required a bit of coaching, a clear message
that the initial thumbs-down (or perhaps thumbs-sideways) wasn't the right
answer.
Verdict number two, I'm told, came back on the mark, with an answer finely
tuned to meet the required specifications.
"Send your Church
Directory to your State Bush-Cheney '04 Headquarters or give to a BC04
Field Rep. ... Identify another conservative church in your community who
we can organize for Bush ... Receive a list from you [sic] County Chair of
all non-registered church members and Pro-Bush Conservatives ... place
reminder bulletin about all Christian citizens needing to vote in Sunday
program or on a board near the church entrance."
Just a few of the "duties"
of Bush-Cheney campaign Church coordinators, as outlined by this
Bush-Cheney campaign document obtained by the Washington Post.
Imagine that. Back a year and a half ago, we here at TPM went on for several
days telling you about the case of Allen Raymond, once head of GOP
Marketplace LLC, a phone bank operation, and all-around GOP
jack-of-all-trades.
As we reported back then, the New Hampshire GOP had hired him to
do phone banking work on election day 2002 when Senator John Sununu pulled
off his close-call victory over out-going Governor Jeanne Shaheen.
Somehow, though -- and it's always amazing how these things happen -- that
innocent effort turned into a campaign to jam the phone lines of the
Democrats' get-out-the-vote operation on election day, with a phone bank out
in Idaho making countless five-second hang-up calls to phone numbers of the
Democratic coordinated campaign offices as well as the offices of the
Manchester firefighters union, which was also doing get-out-the-vote work
that morning.
...We did our own bit of sleuthing and found out that Raymond was also the
Executive Director of the Republican Leadership Council -- an outfit run by
a long list of Republican worthies -- and that his company had done
phone banking for them on election day too. And Steve Kornacki of
PoliticsNJ.com found out that Raymond also seemed to be behind another phone
banking scandal in New Jersey.
..In any case, as you might expect, Raymond denied the whole thing. Until
today that is, when he
copped a plea in U.S. District Court in Concord.
In a statement out today, the Executive Director of the state Democrats,
Michael Vlacich, says, "While Allen Raymond of GOP Marketplace was charged in this case, the
US Attorney makes it clear that there are co-conspirators, both known and
unknown. We urge the U.S. Attorney to continue working to bring all of the
people involved in this matter to justice."
Corrente adds some
important info to the Raymond case:
The Republicans stop at nothing, as we already know from Florida 2000. But
they were up to the same dirty tricks in 2002. And one of them got caught.
This looks like good news, but look at the detail:
The former head a
Republican consulting group pleaded guilty to jamming Democratic telephone
lines in several New Hampshire cities during the 2002 general election.
Allen Raymond, former president of the Alexandria, Va.-based GOP
Marketplace LLC, waived indictment...
Hmmm... Wonder what they
didn't want to come out in court? Of course, if this were a crime family, instead of the Republican party, I'm sure that Raymond
would be confident of being well taken care of in exchange for keeping his
mouth shut.
... and pleaded guilty
in U.S. District Court in Concord on Wednesday. Judge Joseph A.
DiClerico Jr. released Raymond on his own recognizance pending sentencing in November.
Meanwhile, the Justice Department, which prosecuted the case, said an
investigation into the telephone jamming continues.
According to court papers, Raymond plotted with unidentified
co-conspirators...
Well, well. I wonder who?
... to jam Democratic
Party telephone lines established so voters could call for rides to the
polls in Manchester, Nashua, Rochester and Claremont. Manchester
firefighters' union phone lines also were affected. (via
##AP)
I wonder if the DOJ will
have a result from their continuing investigation in time for November 2004?
Finally, let's close with
some good news, reported from Atrios,
quoting from Marie Coco's Newsday column:
Wow. Bush has lost one of strongest media-manufactured characteristics - his
reputation as a
"straight shooter."
New surveys by The New
York Times and the Washington Post reveal a perilous plunge in the
commander-in-chief's credibility. The Times found that 79 percent of the
public thinks Bush either is hiding something about Iraq, or worse, is
"mostly lying" about it. The Post asked whether Bush or Kerry is "honest
and trustworthy," and the president was judged to be honest by 39 percent.
Kerry came in at 52 percent.
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